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排序方式: 共有259条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
191.
佟建寅 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2005,19(4):105-111
1895年,清政府与日本国政府签订《马关条约》,台湾从此沦为日本殖民地长达50年之久。对日本殖民者的残酷统治压迫,台湾人民进行了长期英勇的斗争,给日本殖民者以沉重打击。台湾人民反抗日本殖民者的斗争,是中华民族抵抗日本帝国主义侵略的重要组成部分,是中国近代史上波澜壮阔的群众爱国救亡运动的光辉篇章。 相似文献
192.
采用13株耐环丙沙星食品动物源沙门菌进行喹诺酮类作用靶位基因及质粒介导耐药基因的扩增测序、有机溶剂耐受试验、HeLa细胞侵袭试验,探讨其多重耐药的分子特征。结果显示,菌株均携带质粒介导的喹诺酮耐药基因,7株对环丙沙星敏感性降低或低水平耐药(最小抑菌浓度0.125~4μg/mL),靶位基因无突变或gyrA单位点突变及外排泵活性增强;5株对环丙沙星高水平耐药(最小抑菌浓度32~128μg/mL),均在gyrA和parC发生双位点突变及外排泵活性增强,其中4株携带β内酰胺酶blaCTX-M基因。对环丙沙星高水平耐药的沙门菌的侵袭力显著高于敏感菌株。表明患病食品动物源沙门菌中,无论外排能力增强与否,gyrA单位点突变或质粒介导的喹诺酮耐药基因阳性,仅导致沙门菌对环丙沙星的低水平耐药;而外排泵机制联同染色体靶位基因突变可导致菌株对环丙沙星的高水平耐药,往往同时携带blaCTX-M基因;临床分离沙门菌随着对环丙沙星耐药程度的增加侵袭力增强。 相似文献
193.
为了解不同动物间大肠杆菌的耐药性,对分离的23株鸡源、14株猪源和8株牛源大肠杆菌进行了耐药性测定,并对其氟苯尼考耐药基因flor进行了同源性分析。结果显示,同种动物之间、猪源与牛源flor基因的相似性为100%,鸡源与猪源、牛源flor基因的相似性为99.8%。与GenBank中已报道的flor基因(登录号AF231986)进行比对,鸡源flor基因在开放阅读框的第439,479,683位出现点突变,猪源、牛源flor基因在开放阅读框的第439,683,1100位出现点突变。由flor基因编码的氨基酸序列也发生了相应的改变。 相似文献
194.
AbstractIdeas of assimilated citizenship are inherently gendered and during Australia’s post-World War Two migration boom they were deeply and explicitly invested in marriage, children and domesticity. In this period of social conservatism and economic boom, assimilation rhetoric functioned as a reassuring mirror for the host population, promoting the dream of prosperous family life as the ultimate aspiration for refugees and migrants. The role of immigration Holding Centres within this vision was to provide a context in which migrants and refugees could take their first steps towards accomplishing this dream. These Centres of necessary temporary residence were designed as sites of transition towards autonomous, assimilated family life. However, those families headed by single mothers, often referred to in government records as ‘unsupported mothers’, had limited opportunities to live up to such images of assimilation, or even to comply with the economic imperatives of the migration scheme that had brought them to Australia. Based mainly on Department of Immigration records, this article demonstrates that despite recognising the long-term economic and social prospects their children represented, government agencies viewed many unsupported mothers as system failures. They attempted to remedy the situation by turning these women into live-in domestic workers, at times placing pressure on them to institutionalise their children in order to facilitate this, thereby prioritising their compliance with economic imperatives over support for their parenting. Within the limited scope of their agency, unsupported mothers responded by attempting to negotiate the terms of their compliance or simply refusing to comply. For the latter group, Holding Centres became a more permanent home. This permanence is read here as a gendered form of resistance to a system that struggled to foster their economic self-reliance without compromising their capacity to be mothers. 相似文献
195.
196.
Fiona Buick Deborah Blackman Samantha Johnson 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2018,77(2):222-235
Change efforts frequently fail to achieve their desired outcome with failure often attributed to employee resistance to change. Literature on resistance indicates it can emerge from ineffective change management. This article argues that change management could be improved through middle managers actively undertaking a change intermediary role, thereby enabling employees to make sense of, and reframe, the change. Qualitative data is used to explore the extent to which middle managers had the capacity and support necessary to effectively implement change. The article concludes by proposing that managers who are actively engaged change agents, who frame and make sense of the change with employees, can reduce resistance. However, for this to be realised, organisations need to actively support the systematic development of middle management change management capabilities. 相似文献
197.
Extending prior research regarding victim injury during sexual assault, the current study employed mixed-methods sequential explanatory research design to identify predictors of victim injury and victim death in 361 attempted and completed sexual assaults committed by 72 repeat sex offenders who assaulted strangers. Results from multinomial path analysis indicated that being female and offender coercion increased the likelihood of victim resistance, which in turn elevated the likelihood of victim injury. Divergent from the predictors of victim injury, the risk of victim death increased with victim age, offender alcohol use, and offender weapon possession. Exploratory analyses suggest that certain weapons resulted in higher probability of victim injury or victim death within the context of victim resistance. Exploratory analysis of qualitative data indicated that crime event order was not uniform—in some cases victim resistance preceded victim injury and in some assaults victim injury occurred prior to or was unrelated to victim resistance. The study findings highlight the need for further investigation of victim survival strategies when offenders possess different types of weapons. 相似文献
198.
论群体性事件处置中参与者负性抵抗心理及其对策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在处置群体性事件实践中,事件参与者出现的负性抵抗心理容易使公安机关宣传信息力度减弱,扭曲、变形、转向。为此,本文在研究事件参与者负性抵抗心理及其行为表现的基础上,分析了原因,提出了增强宣传者影响力、科学设置宣传内容、合理运用宣传手段等对策,达到降低、消除参与者的负性抵抗心理,使公安机关宣传工作效果最大化,达到妥善处置群体性事件的目的。 相似文献
199.
Sung Yong Lee 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(8):1437-1452
This article discusses the complex motivations underlying local resistance to externally led post-war peacebuilding programmes. In examining the land distribution process in post-war Cambodia it proposes a five-part typology of motivations for the resistance that frequently appears in the context of international post-conflict peacebuilding processes. The article also argues that a single campaign of resistance is likely to involve multiple actors with multiple motivations. 相似文献
200.
Jude Fokwang 《Canadian journal of African studies》2016,50(2):211-228
This paper analyses young people’s political discourses and experiences, highlighting their disillusionment with the postcolonial state. Drawing on ethnographic data and interviews with young people in the city of Bamenda, the article argues that young people’s perspectives and discourses on politics constitute alternative forms of political involvement and resistance. Their actions, inactions and discourses about politics and political personalities are informed by their specific identities and positionalities. However, taken collectively, these voices reveal current national anxieties about the postcolonial state whose legitimacy is widely believed to have eroded. 相似文献