Politics and the Adoption of Legislative Television: An Analysis of the U.S. House Vote on C-SPAN

The present study extends the work of Crain and Goff (1988) by examining the political determinants of the earliest decision to adopt legislative television on a permanent basis at the national level in the United States. Data on legislator and district characteristics are used to explain the 1977 vote to adopt C-SPAN coverage of proceedings in the U.S. House of Representatives. Logit regression results suggest that length of service and extremity of political views/ideologies had clear and significant effects on politicians' votes concerning the adoption of legislative television. As with Crain and Goff (1988), these measures capture some element of legislator self-interest.     

启蒙政治:京派的历史选择

在二十世纪三十年代的文坛上,京派并未疏离时代、远离政治.他们继承了"五四"传统,努力把启蒙扩展到政治领域.表现出了一种自由主义知识分子的启蒙政治姿态,以回应政治风雨交加的时代.他们试图以启蒙方式进行民族救亡,"以非政治的途径解决政治问题",用艺术手段介入时代,而在政治之外寻求通过艺术力量改造社会.救亡图存.     

THE INTERPLAY OF MORAL NORMS AND INSTRUMENTAL INCENTIVES IN CRIME CAUSATION*

Rational choice theories (RCTs) of crime assume actors behave in an instrumental, outcome-oriented way. Accordingly, individuals should weight the costs and benefits of criminal acts with subjective probabilities that these outcomes will occur. Previous studies either do not directly test this central hypothesis or else yield inconsistent results. We show that a meaningful test can be conducted only if a broader view is adopted that takes into account the interplay of moral norms and instrumental incentives. Such a view can be derived from the Model of Frame Selection (Kroneberg, 2005) and the Situational Action Theory of Crime Causation (Wikström, 2004). Based on these theories, we analyze the willingness to engage in shoplifting and tax fraud in a sample of 2,130 adults from Dresden, Germany. In line with our theoretical expectations, we find that only respondents who do not feel bound by moral norms show the kind of instrumental rationality assumed in RCTs of crime. Where norms have been strongly internalized, and in the absence of neutralizations, instrumental incentives are irrelevant.     

中国特色社会主义的三个时期和两次转轨

本文认为从1956年基本完成社会主义改造起，中国即走向中国特色社会主义道路。文章以二元选择论为立论根据，将“姓资”“姓社”问题转化为分期问题，指明中国特色社会主义分为平等式、经济发展式和全面发展式社会主义等三个时期。三个时期发生了两次行进轨道转变，十一届三中全会从平等轨道转向了发展轨道，十六届三中全会从发展轨道转向全面发展道路。     

论国际金融危机下辽宁维稳战略的选择与对策——基于SWOT战略分析

在国际金融危机冲击下,辽宁的社会稳定面临严重威胁。文章运用SWOT战略分析方法,指出了辽宁维稳战略选择应该是充分发挥内部优势、积极利用外部机会、迎难而上、化危为机、转危为安。具体对策包括：加强正面舆论宣传引导,提振民众信心;加强利企惠民政策实施力度,切实提高民生水准;加强情报信息网络建设、完善预警机制;坚持专群结合,完善社会治安防控体系;加强治安保卫力量建设,进一步提高维稳处突能力。     

论黑恶势力犯罪的成因及防控对策--以控制理论和理性选择理论为视角

威胁政治安全、社会安定和人民幸福的黑恶势力犯罪非常猖獗。控制理论认为,黑恶势力犯罪可以归结为合法社会控制力量的削弱,尤其是非正式社会控制力量的弱化,以及罪犯在家庭教育缺失情况下导致的低自我控制能力。理性选择理论认为,黑恶势力犯罪是犯罪分子基于犯罪收益与犯罪成本对比关系的理性选择。控制理论对黑恶势力犯罪防治的启示是强化合法社会控制力量,加强基层组织建设和强化基础素质教育,矫正低自我控制能力。理性选择理论的启示则是加强犯罪预防环境设计,提升黑恶势力犯罪成本和提高对黑恶势力犯罪的防范意识,构筑起心理栅栏。     

Campaign civility under preferential and plurality voting

We present reasons to expect that campaigns are less negative under preferential voting. We then examine if preferential voting systems affect how people perceive the conduct of elections. This paper reports results from surveys designed to measure voters‘ perceptions of candidates’ campaigns, comparing places with plurality elections to those that used preferential voting rules. Our surveys of voters indicate that people in cities using preferential voting were significantly more satisfied with the conduct of local campaigns than people in similar cities with plurality elections. People in cities with preferential voting were also less likely to view campaigns as negative, and less likely to respond that candidates were frequently criticizing each other. Results are consistent across a series of robustness checks.     

论地方政府效用选择驱动下的区域产业政策趋同

在区域经济的发展过程中,地方政府之间日益激烈的竞争必然会造成区域之间的产业政策趋同。这对于区域经济的协调发展和长远发展极为不利。该文提出化解问题的办法应当靠提高中央政府的宏观调控水平,强化地方政府的责、权、利边界,引导地方政府在区域产业政策中体现差异性。     

西方工会振兴的战略选择

工会振兴是西方国家工会为应对工会目前所处的困境而提出的新战略,目的是重振日渐衰落的工会。振兴的战略选择主要包括工会内部重组、加强工会培训、与雇主和政府结成社会伙伴关系、改革工会组织模式、与社会其它团体结成联盟等。     

市场主导:法制宣传教育的路径选择

法制宣传教育即将完成第六个五年规划的实施,其未来发展的路径选择应该摆上国家决策的议事日程。从政治、经济、技术和人文等四个方面的因素,客观地追溯法制宣传教育产生的历史背景,并从国家发展的宏观视野切入分析法制宣传教育的现实状况,可以看出,"市场主导"是法制宣传教育未来发展之最佳路径选择。