指纹识别系统教学工作探讨

当前在公安信息化建设中指纹识别系统的应用已经逐渐成熟和完善。我国大多数公安院校引进了指纹识别系统并开展了教学工作。探讨信息化条件下指纹识别系统教学工作中的课程性质、教学模式、运行环境、学生能力培养、师资水平、教材建设等问题,对这门新兴的公安技术课程有建设性意义。     

Correspondence

The paper argues for the possibility of reworking the concept of ideology in such a way as to depend neither on a problematic of truth and error, nor on a division of the world into two parts one of which is more real than the other, nor on an expressive relation of subjects to meaning. The political force of the concept can be retained if ideology is thought as a provisional state of discourse (a function of its appropriation and use) rather than as a content or an inherent structure. Any discursive system produces a particular configuration of subject-positions which are the conditions of entry of individuals into discourse; but these acquire political significance only through the (historically variable) codification of discourse in terms of a play of relations of power, and the positions available can be refused or undermined. Some implications of this argument for models of the social and for discourse theory are discussed     

领导干部财产申报的制度困境与路径选择

建立领导干部财产申报制度,可以将领导干部置于社会力量的监督之下,有利于增强群众对党和政府的信心。我国民间对建立这一制度的呼声也日趋高涨,中央和地方政府进行了积极地实践探索,但仍然存在制度困境。下一步可采取"全面申报、分步公开、重点审核、完善配套"的方针,健全金融和房产实名制度、完善反洗钱制度、建立强制信托制度和领导干部信用管理制度等,逐渐发挥监督合力和综合效能,为深入推进廉洁政治建设夯实基础。     

我国文化产业的知识产权战略选择

文化产业的核心价值和根本经济增长点就是知识产权利益的实现,如何从知识产权战略实施的角度促进我国文化产业的发展,既是一个有待深入研究的理论问题,又是一个亟待科学解决的现实问题。文化产业实施知识产权战略,有其天然属性和必要性,我国已初步建立起文化产业的知识产权保护体系,但在文化产业知识产权战略实施方面还存在着一定的问题,我国文化产业知识产权战略的实施必须将国内政策选择与国际化策略推行结合起来。     

中国—东盟区域经济一体化趋势下的税收竞争与中国的政策选择

中国—东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)的全面启动为"10+1"组合带来了大量的实惠,但不可否认的是,关税减免承诺无法抵消在国家利益驱使下的中国与东盟各成员国之间的税收竞争。CAFTA框架下,面对东盟国家日益激烈的税收竞争,中国应当采取何种措施积极参与其中,在充分保证国家经济利益的同时又避免卷入有害税收竞争的漩涡,值得我们深入研究。     

最密切联系原则的地位思辨

对于最密切联系原则的地位,将其作为国际私法的基本原则或法律选择的基本原则或法律适用的补充原则都是值得商榷的。最密切联系原则作为一个系统,是有层次的,既是法律选择的指导原则又是法律选择的方法。最密切联系原则的客体应表述为既包括“法域”也包括“法律”,二者不可割裂,它是在立法和司法层面的综合表征,诠释了在不同阶段立法选择权与司法选择权的相互结合、相互补充。最密切联系原则指向国际条约或国际惯例容易为当事人所接受,也为法院提供了便利,且可以满足国际商业活动追求便利和效率的需要,因此有一定的可行性。     

民事诉讼发回重审制度之探讨

我国民事诉讼发回重审制度的设计和运作尚存在比较多的问题。该制度的设计与运作应当以维护当事人的审级利益,保障当事人的听审请求权,维护当事人的系争外利益,尊重当事人的程序选择权为指导思想。基此,在完善我国民事诉讼发回重审制度时,应当重新设定发回重审的法定事由,增设发回重审的条件,赋予当事人程序选择权,规定发回重审裁定中判断理由的法律效力,明确界定重审的审理范围,限制发回重审的次数。     

Looking to the future: Prospective economic voting in 2008 Presidential Elections

Despite the economic turmoil of the time, a typical study of vote choice in the 2008 US Presidential Election would (falsely) find little evidence that voters’ opinions about the future state of the economy affected their vote choice. We argue that this misleading conclusion results from serious measurement error in the standard prospective economic evaluations survey question. Relying instead on a revised question, included for the first time in the 2008 American National Election Study, we find that most respondents condition their prospective economic evaluations on potential election outcomes, and that these evaluations are an important determinant of vote choice. A replication in a very different political context – the 2008 Ghanaian election – yields similar results.     

The dynamics of issue competence and vote for parties in and out of power: An analysis of valence in Britain, 1979–1997

This article develops the reward‐punishment issue model of voting using a newly collated aggregate measure of issue competence in Britain between 1971 and 1997, revealing systematic differences between governing and opposition parties in the way citizens' evaluations of party competence are related to vote intention. Using monthly Gallup ‘best party to handle the most important problem’ and vote intention data, time series Granger‐causation tests give support to a classic issue reward‐punishment model for incumbents. However, for opposition parties this reward‐punishment model does not hold: macro‐issue competence evaluations are Granger‐caused by changes in vote choice or governing party competence. An explanation is offered based upon the differentiating role of policy performance and informational asymmetries, and the implications are considered for comparative studies of voting, public opinion and for political party competition.     

Apartisans and the changing German electorate

The concept of party identification is central to our understanding of electoral behavior. This paper builds upon the functional logic of party identification and asks what occurs when more Germans manage the complexities of politics without needing to rely on habitual party cues—what we label as Apartisans. We track the distribution of party mobilization and cognitive mobilization within the German electorate from 1976 until 2009. Then, we demonstrate the importance of these mobilization patterns by documenting strong differences in electoral commitment, the content of political thinking, and electoral change. The results suggest a secular transformation in the characteristics of the public has led to a more differentiated and dealigned German electorate.