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591.
Edmonton, Alberta, has been experiencing rapid population growth and its associated housing pressures for the past decade. Municipalities like Edmonton are attempting to promote compact, transit-oriented, and infill housing development with policy while accommodating large increases in a population that may demand traditional suburban housing options. This article examined homebuyers’ opinions and preferences regarding their home location choice and found three distinct segments of homebuyers. These segments were established using a Q methodology to group homebuyers by their shared opinions as opposed to traditional sociodemographic or socioeconomic variables. These groups illustrate different perspectives regarding the everyday transportation choices, home attributes, and neighborhood predilections that comprise a home location choice. The identification of these groups of homebuyers provides insights for municipalities attempting to attract and retain citizens in redeveloped housing areas and assists to dissuade greenfield sprawling development. 相似文献
592.
Vilde Hernes 《Local Government Studies》2017,43(5):798-819
Although existing literature on central–local governance includes comprehensive studies on how constitutional and financial frameworks regulate local government autonomy, this study seeks explanations for the introduction or absence of central coercion within these frameworks. The analysis studies six processes of policy instrument choice with different outcomes in Norway, Denmark and Sweden in the field of refugee settlement. It finds that a uniform perception of crisis and political compromises make political parties abandon their political–ideological standpoints relating to central–local governance. Additionally, the success and failure of political strategies of obfuscation and of dividing the opposition help to explain the different outcomes. The study reveals differences in the political salience of central–local governance in three countries that have systematically been categorised in the same groups in central–local studies. Consequently, more studies on how and why local autonomy is regulated within national frameworks are necessary to understand the actual autonomy that local governments enjoy. 相似文献
593.
Designing stakeholder consultations: Reinforcing or alleviating bias in the European Union system of governance?
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ADRIANA BUNEA 《European Journal of Political Research》2017,56(1):46-69
Consultations with stakeholders are a policy instrument widely used by policy makers to design policies and prepare legislative proposals across national and supranational systems of government. The European Union has recently reviewed its stakeholder consultation regime and asked for stakeholders’ policy input. This offers an opportunity to examine empirically stakeholders’ own evaluation of the regime and to ask a fundamental question about its democratic credentials: Do stakeholders recognise the EU consultation regime as reinforcing bias in interest representation by benefiting policy insiders, or conversely as an instrument that alleviates bias in supranational policy making? Building on rational choice institutionalism, this article outlines the potential distributional outcomes of the regime and argues that they are likely to vary along the lines of a classic divide in policy making that opposes policy insiders to outsiders. Two competing narratives are discussed in relation to the expected direction of this variation by focusing on insiders’ incentives to support or oppose the regime. The observable implications are tested empirically on an original dataset containing information about stakeholders’ positions on the evaluation of the regime status quo, its proposed further institutionalisation and their recommendations for change. The findings describe a consultation regime that seems to have created conditions alleviating bias in stakeholders’ participation in supranational policy making. This is evident in the lack of systematic, significant differences between insiders and outsiders in the evaluation of the consultation regime. Where differences do occur, they are consistent with the image of a consultation regime that has not reinforced bias in favour of policy insiders. These actors are found to be more critical of the regime status quo, its institutionalisation and more inclined to recommend policy improvements. This supports an optimistic view over the democratic credentials and legitimacy of the EU consultation regime and outlines an additional scenario under which policy actors that are traditionally associated with exerting more power and influence find themselves stripped of their privileged position in the context of European supranational governance. 相似文献
594.
Eugene B. Kogan 《Negotiation Journal》2019,35(1):65-83
In this article, I mine President Donald Trump’s considerable writing and speaking record to synthesize the key elements of his deal‐making approach to help make better sense of his rhetoric and actions on the world’s diplomatic stage. My argument is that Trump’s coercive negotiation style is best understood through the prism of his four public roles: observer, performer, controller, and disrupter. In this article, I analyze how these roles translate into his negotiating behavior. Spotting and exploiting vulnerability is his trade; leverage and bravado are his tools. After assessing the opposing side, Trump uses leverage to threaten his counterparts’ weaknesses, while using bravado to play up the advantages of reaching an agreement on his terms. This way, he presents a drastic structured choice to his opponents, leaving them the least maneuvering space. In the final section of the paper, I illustrate how the four‐role framework helps explain Trump’s decisions in the nuclear negotiations with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. I also consider opportunities for further research. 相似文献
595.
Dušan Pavlović 《Communist and Post》2019,52(1):11-24
Why do presidents in semi-presidential regimes sometimes call early elections? Is the behavior of incumbent presidents different from the behavior of presidential contenders when the former do not need to run for office but face the loss of parliamentary majority in a semi-presidential system? Prospect theory claims that agents make risky choices when facing a loss. Consequently, if incumbent presidents face a loss of majority in the parliament, they will call for early election to try to shore up or salvage the majority. To provide empirical evidence supporting this claim, prospect theory has been applied to the two presidential elections in Yugoslavia and Serbia in which two incumbent presidents, Slobodan Milo?evi? (2000) and Boris Tadi? (2012), had lost early presidential elections. The expected contribution of the paper is to deepen our understanding of how semi-presidential regimes resolve the problem of temporal rigidity and offer novel empirical data in support of the application of prospect theory in political science. 相似文献
596.
Anne Kubai 《African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal》2016,9(2):166-183
ABSTRACTThis piece focuses on the Ethiopian women victims of trafficking – the agency of these women in the whole trafficking process, and issues of choice – ‘trying a chance’, or just taking a risk to get out of poverty or difficult social circumstances, considering that they are lured, tricked, coerced, or even forced into the hands of traffickers by a wide range of circumstances and people, including family and friends. Traffickers target girls with economic, social, and family problems. Most of the trafficking of women and girls from Ethiopia is carried out through the use of service ‘agencies’ and human smugglers who facilitate the process of migration through a number of routes. Many of those who use the ‘desert route’ often begin from Sudan to North Africa from where they cross to Europe. The data for this contribution were generated in a study – ‘Captured in Flight: Experiences of violence among African women in Sweden’ – funded by the Swedish crime prevention agency (Brottsoffermyndgheten). The research for the project has been carried out in Sweden, but the women whose case studies are presented here have been in the Middle East, Turkey, Italy, Finland, and Greece before coming to Sweden. 相似文献
597.
The purpose of this paper is to propose an analytical framework integrating the diverse explanations of the failure of IMF
conditionality. The IMF is a key player in the running of markets in a global economy. The institutional failures of IMF conditionality
are appreciated at two complementary levels: (a) its intrinsic bureaucratic bias, and (b) the inability of the IMF to manage
the institutional change required for the development of market processes. A new approach of conditionality suggests the separation
of the role of the IMF as financial backer from its role as adviser to countries confronted by the globalization process.
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Philippe DulbeccoEmail: |
598.
沙春彦 《辽宁公安司法管理干部学院学报》2010,(1):51-53
科尔曼的社会学理性选择理论以宏观社会系统作为研究目标,以微观的个体作为研究起点,以方法论的个体论为特征,以合理性说明有目的的行为,强调个体的理性行为,将个人选择的微观互动与宏观市场模式的社会结构相结合.提出了社会理论研究与发展的新方向。从而弥补了过去社会学理论研究中微观面向与宏观面向相脱离的不足。 相似文献
599.
Financing Constraints,Exchange Rate Risk of Host Country and Location Choice of Enterprises’ Foreign Direct Investment——An Empirical Study Based on Micro Enterprises’ Data of Zhejiang Province
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YU Guansheng 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2017,31(6):87-96
Financing constraints and exchange rate risk of host country are domestic and foreign factors which will hinder the stability and sustainable development of China’s enterprises foreign direct investment, so the interaction influence of these two factors on location choice of foreign direct investment is also crucial. Based on this, in this paper we study the foreign direct investment choice of host countries’ exchange rate risk during financing constraints. Through modeling the negative influence of revenue losing and the positive influence of financing cost reducing, our model finds that foreign direct investment enterprises with higher financing constraints tend to go for host countries with higher exchange rate risk in location choice. In empirical study, we match multiple database to construct the micro level data, and use two international data sources to measure exchange rate risks of host countries. Our empirical study finds that foreign direct investment enterprises with higher financing constraints tend to choose higher exchange rate risk countries through binary choice model and sorting model. The result of bivariate binary choice model ensures the robustness of our empirical research. Based on the comprehensive theoretical and empirical research results, we find the existence of financing constrains improves the risk preference in the foreign direct investment location choice. 相似文献
600.
Political choice is central to citizens’ participation in elections. Nonetheless, little is known about the individual-level mechanisms that link political choice and turnout. It is argued in this article that turnout decisions are shaped not only by the differences between the parties (party polarisation), but also by the closeness of parties to citizens’ own ideological position (congruence), and that congruence matters more in polarised systems where more is at stake. Analysing cross-national survey data from 80 elections, it is found that both polarisation and congruence have a mobilising effect, but that polarisation moderates the effect of congruence on turnout. To further explore the causal effect of political choice, the arrival of a new radical right-wing party in Germany, the Alternative for Germany (AfD), is leveraged and the findings show that the presence of the AfD had a mobilising effect, especially for citizens with congruent views. 相似文献