营业自由权隐性入显性的路径设计——从法律对经济回应的视角

营业自由权是民事主体实现财富增值和提高个体生活质量的一种应然性源权利,是民事主体财产自由权在营业领域的展开和扩张,是民事主体不可剥夺的权利。然而,我国法律仅关注了民事主体营业活动和营业成果的保护,对产生和获取实然财产结果的源权利与基础性权利——＂营业自由权＂则没有予以应有的重视,致使营业自由权在具体法律制度中处于隐性且极易受到侵害的地位。如何将营业自由权由隐性入显性,这就需要一个良好的制度路径设计。     

当代广西民族和谐研究

新中国成立60多年来,广西各族人民在党的民族团结政策指引下,模范地践行党的民族团结政策,实现了各族人民大团结、大发展与大繁荣,开创了各民族空前团结的局面.总结广西民族团结发展的60年历程,对做好新时期民族工作、实现广西跨越发展、科学发展以及保障南疆地域安全都有着十分重要的意义     

国有控股公司:监狱集团企业体制改革的方向性模式

监狱集团企业在承担和不断强化相关法律和社会职能的前提下,如何有效摆脱若干体制障碍和功能束缚,以完全企业的组织形式和运行方式来适应社会主义市场经济体制,促进监狱可持续经济发展,是监狱管理体制改革的一个重点也是难点问题。从国有资产管理体制创新的角度分析,国有控股公司理应成为未来监狱集团企业管理体制的一种主流模式,同时,未来监狱集团企业将由国有独资模式逐步向投资主体多元化方向发展。对此,本文提出了监狱集团企业改制的现实路径和实施方案。     

胡锦涛“七一”讲话民族思想研究

胡锦涛"七一"讲话高度重视民族问题,表达了重要的民族思想,包括:一、坚持和完善民族区域自治制度。二、加强民族团结,维护国家统一。三、为中华民族伟大复兴而努力。中华民族伟大复兴内涵丰富。中华民族伟大复兴意义重大。     

社会资本:民族区域自治的元制度分析--兼谈民族区域自治的善治问题

社会资本作为民族区域自治的元制度,其信任、规范和网络是建立和维护民族区域自治社会秩序的一种极为重要的工具,也是整合民族区域自治的社会"粘合剂".然而,社会资本也会在一定层面上阻碍民族区域自治的良好发展.民族区域自治善治的根本在于引导社会资本的再生产.     

公司章程效力探析

公司章程的效力问题一直是司法实践中的难题,从现行法律规定出发,就公司章程对于公司设立的效力,公司章程的应当记载事项和任意记载事项,公司章程的违法性认定以及有限责任公司章程个别化思考阐述公司章程的效力问题。     

十八大以来我国“放管服”改革的动因、成效、困境及推进策略

党的十八大以来,“放管服”改革已经持续多年,改革力度之大、改革范围之广、改革程度之深,是历次改革中所没有的。这场改革动因主要是推进国家治理体系与治理能力的现代化、应对国际复杂形势及新智能革命带来的挑战、满足人民对美好生活的向往。改革的举措主要有行政审批制度改革、清单制度改革、服务流程再造、证照分离、减税减负、优化服务、监管改革等。通过改革促进营商环境便利化、服务方式智能化、市场监管精准化,有效激发了市场活力,规范了政府权力,化解了市场主体的“堵点”“难点”“痛点”。改革也在制度、监督以及基层积极性等方面存在问题。未来“放管服”改革进一步推进的策略主要包括价值的调适整合、结构的互动整合、机制的协同整合、技术的嵌入整合、执行的配套整合、制度的优化整合等。     

Recreating the Third World Project: possibilities through the Fourth World

Abstract

In this paper, we make a theoretical argument that the Third World be returned to its political origins to inspire an updated Third World Project (TWP), revived as a global movement for progressive, anti-imperialist forces, through the Fourth World movement, which highlights internal colonialism. Both the TWP and the United Nations recognise only nation states as full members. We examine how a Third World strategy that brings in the Fourth World, or indigenous, minority and/or stateless groups, can help oppressed groups gain more autonomy and rights through a transnational solidarity rooted in empathy. We trace the intellectual roots and history of the TWP and consider obstacles in bringing together the TWP and the Fourth World movement. A Fourth World strategy corrects the TWP’s implicit approval of an underlying imperialism, and the TWP provides the Fourth World movement a model to accomplish its goal of resisting uncritical modernity.     

The UN Security Council,normative legitimacy and the challenge of specificity

ABSTRACT

This paper discusses how the general and abstract concept of legitimacy applies to international institutions, using the United Nations Security Council as an example. We argue that the evaluation of the Security Council’s legitimacy requires considering three significant and interrelated aspects: its purpose, competences, and procedural standards. We consider two possible interpretations of the Security Council’s purpose: on the one hand, maintaining peace and security, and, on the other, ensuring broader respect for human rights. Both of these purposes are minimally morally acceptable for legitimacy. Second, we distinguish between three different competences of the UNSC: 1) the decision-making competence, 2) the quasi-legislative competence, and 3) the referral competence. On this basis, we argue that different procedural standards are required to legitimise these competences, which leads to a more differentiated understanding of the Security Council’s legitimacy. While maintaining that the membership structure of the Council is a severe problem for its legitimacy, we suggest other procedural standards that can help to improve its overall legitimacy, which include broad transparency, deliberation, and the revisability of the very terms of accountability themselves.     

How governments strategically time welfare state reform legislation: empirical evidence from five European countries

Abstract

Building on studies on the political business cycle, the literature on welfare state retrenchment has argued that governments which cut the welfare state try to avoid blame by implementing painful measures in the beginning of the mandate and expanding benefits as elections approach. In contrast to this linear relationship, this article argues that governments often feel pressured to fulfil (mostly expansionary) campaign promises during the first months in office. Consequently, cutting right away is not what should be expected. Instead, a more nuanced, U-shaped timing trajectory is probable with a period in the beginning characterised by both cuts and fulfilment of expansionary pledges, followed by a period of cutbacks, and finally an expansive phase towards the end of a mandate. This argument is tested on our new original dataset of legislative changes in five European countries – Britain, Denmark, Finland, France and Germany – during the last four decades.