V.A.T., Taxation and Prostitution: Feminist Perspectives on Polok

Debates concerning the taxation of prostitution have occurred in taxation law and in feminist literature. This article will integrate the case of Polok v. C.E.C. [2002] E.W.H.C, 156; [2002] S.T.C. 361, within the feminist legal canon. The case is discussed in the context of the argument of the European doctrine of fiscal neutrality, which dictates that, regardless of legality as amongst member states, if an activity is levied to V.A.T. in one member state, V.A.T. should be levied on it in all member states. The doctrine of sovereignty accepts the possibility that the integrity of the V.A.T. system may be compromised by the levying of tax on illegal activities, in terms of the cooperation between tax and other aspects of the U.K.’s legal system. European law, feminist law, commodification and the marketplace are all considered within the context of these principles. The article also considers the place of Polok within standard feminist texts on prostitution. Different paradigms of prostitution define different aspects of prostitution as ‘problems’, and the article considers the implications within a feminist reconstruction of Polok of this. The article suggests that the challenge for a feminist analysis of Polok is to remain within the realm of European tax and competition law, and to render the perspective of the employees of the Polok taxpayers part of the substance of the deliberations of the case.     

强奸罪的文化学分析

强奸罪作为人类文明史上一个古老的犯罪命题 ,其立法模式是文化所认可的各种态度与价值的缩影。传统的强奸罪立法模式深植于男权制社会之中。 2 0世纪中后期以来 ,域外出现的强奸罪立法新模式反映了人们性观念及价值观的改变 ,是理想主义的结晶。基于现实国情 ,我国在强奸罪立法模式上可走一条现实向理想逐步过渡的渐进路线 :在坚持现行刑法典规定的前提下 ,对特殊个案按强奸罪新模式作出处理 ,以个案判决逐步影响民众的观念 ,最终实观立法的转变。     

台湾新女性主义文学创作述略

20世纪60年代以后,台湾的女权运动蓬勃发展起来,台湾的新女性主义文学创作也随之而兴盛。台湾的新女性主义文学创作充分探索了当时女性如何正确地进行自我定位,如何自我发展完善,也探讨一些与女性权利、命运、地位密切相关的问题,并在此基础上,进一步揭示传统女性悲剧命运的根源,为她们树立起崭新的女性观念,并为新时期的女性指明了正确的人生道路。     

论女性主义心理治疗观

女性主义心理治疗产生于20世纪六七十年代的女权主义运动.它将女性主义研究与心理治疗的理论与实践有机地结合起来,以弥补传统心理治疗研究的不足与偏颇.女性主义心理治疗对传统中的实证主义假设、性别偏见以及治疗关系中的权力不对等等问题提出了挑战.它以社会性别视角透视心理治疗的理论与实践问题,关注社会情境对女性心理健康的影响,主张建立平等的治疗关系,促进社会变革与发展.女性主义心理治疗提出了一种生物的、心理的、社会的、文化的以及结构的治疗模式,这不仅有助于对个体心理功能的全面理解,而且为心理治疗的发展指明了方向.     

承袭与反叛的双重变奏——新时期女性主义文学走向初探

女性主义作家从觉醒的那一刻起,就旗帜鲜明地反叛男权意识阴影笼罩下的女性形象传统,锐意于建立女性自己的话语,颠覆男性话语霸权。但中国女性主义文学在承袭与反叛的双重变奏中却形成了“一半是火焰,一半是海水”的局面,即它一方面呐喊出了女权主义的声音,一方面又陷入崇尚女性霸权、躯体写作的尴尬境地。     

论女性主义与后现代主义哲学的相遇

后现代主义是在区别于现代主义的基础上产生、发展起来的,并表现出不同于传统的个性化、多元化的特征。女性主义经过不同的发展阶段,与后现代主义相遇在差异与共识中,体现出创造性、多元化和反中心主义的特征,也更有利于营造更为平等的两性社会。     

银黑狐空肠弯曲菌和致病性大肠埃希氏菌带菌状况的研究

对２２６只银黑狐粪便拭子进行空肠弯曲菌检查，共检出带菌狐１４只，其中成年公狐（４０只）、成年母狐（１２１只）、母仔狐（４０只）和公仔狐（２５只）分别检出３，８，２和１只，检出率依次为７．５％，６．６％，５．０％和４．０％，平均检出率为６．２％。对１８９只银黑狐粪便进行致病性大肠埃希氏菌检查，检出带菌狐３１只，其中成年公狐（１３只）、成年母狐（１２２只）、母仔狐（５１只）和公仔狐（３只），分别检出４，１８，８和１只，检出率依次为３０．８％，１４．８％，１５．７％和３３．３％，平均检出率为１６．４％；共检出致病性大肠埃希氏菌３４株，代表１５个血清型。对６９只银黑狐粪便检查，未检出Ａ～Ｆ群沙门氏菌及Ａ群Ⅰ、Ａ群Ⅱ、Ｂ群和Ｄ群的志贺氏菌。对一起３日龄仔狐死亡原因调查，证实是由肠道致病性大肠埃希氏菌Ｏ１１４Ｋ９０所致。     

'Dat Var Negressen Walaida Snow'

This essay is about the jazz musician and black variety stage artist Valaida Snow and the years she spent caught in Nazi occcupied Denmark. Despite rumors that she was held in a concentration camp, this essay argues that she may in fact have been shielded from the occupiers by the Danes. This essay argues that a masculinist bias in popular cultural/jazz studies obscures the histories of black women expressive artists and limits theoretical possibilities in the study of performance. It argues that the study of black women performers demands the development of more supple analytical models that attend to the heterogeneity of black expressive forms.     

New Panthers,old Panthers and the politics of black nationalism in the United States

ABSTRACT

The New Black Panther Party for Self-Defense has been a cause du scandale since it was formed in the early 1990s. Indeed, the Anti-Defamation League has described it as ‘the largest organized anti-Semitic and racist black militant group in America’. It is somewhat surprising, then, that there has been very little detailed analysis of the party and its activities. Mulloy begins to fill this gap by outlining the origins and development of the party, and by closely examining the ongoing dispute between the New Black Panthers and surviving members of the original Black Panther Party—established by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale in Oakland, California in 1966—over the right to claim the name, the history and the legacy of the Panthers in the United States. Critically assessing the strategies and actions of the New Black Panthers, Mulloy argues that its high-profile, media-centred approach to political activism has largely been a failure with regard to its overall aim of reviving the Black Power movement in the United States.     

Kenneth B. Clark and the problem of power

ABSTRACT

During the early 1960s African American psychologist Kenneth B. Clark, known primarily for his involvement in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education US Supreme Court desegregation decision, began organizing an ambitious anti-poverty programme called Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited, Inc. (HARYOU). Dissatisfied by the lack of progress in school desegregation in New York City and discouraged by the inability of traditional social welfare organizations to address the problems of race and poverty, Clark argued that a new approach had to be developed to mobilize the black poor to gain the political and economic power that would solve their problems. At the same time, he theorized that a new form of racial segregation was beginning to develop in urban areas that foreshadowed increasing social isolation, economic dependence and declining municipal services for many African Americans. He called this new development ‘internal colonialism’ and hoped that HARYOU would be a demonstration project in the Kennedy–Johnson administration's War on Poverty that would address these problems from multiple perspectives. Nonetheless, the plan aroused the political opposition of Harlem Congressman Adam Clayton Powell. The dispute with Powell drove Clark from HARYOU and caused him to re-evaluate his thinking regarding African American leadership. He increasingly viewed the ‘ghetto’ as both a prison and a cocoon that satisfied white and black social, economic, political and psychological needs. By the end of his HARYOU experience, Clark coined the term ‘the new American dilemma’ to describe and theorize about an increasingly isolated and powerless black population in many urban centres. The term also signified his belief that the problem of power was intricately tied up in, while also separate from, the problem of race.