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111.
This paper analyzes the reforms of the Spanish electoral finance regulatory system during the nineties. We present a number of indexes to measure the impact of the reforms on parties and campaign spending. We also suggest a game theoretical model to explain why the two main parties agreed to support the legal changes in the nineties. A principal outcome of the reforms was to establish an effective limit to campaign expenses. In our view this would have not been feasible in the late seventies or eighties. Then the parties were trapped in a prisoner’s dilemma in which each party had to spend more in order to prevent other parties from gaining electoral advantage. But in the nineties the main parties, ridden with problems of soaring electoral debts and disgruntled voters, used the reform of political finance as a coordination device to achieve a Pareto efficient equilibrium.  相似文献   
112.
刘定福 《行政与法》2010,(10):51-53
群众监督是反腐败斗争的一条有效途径,它具有"四个不断"的作用。针对目前群众参与反腐败斗争存在的"四个不"的主要问题,应采取"四个进一步"的应对策略,以期不断增强反腐败斗争的效果。  相似文献   
113.
The results of the 2017 presidential and legislative elections represent an important shift in French politics. For the first time in the history of the 5th French Republic, the candidates of the two traditional governing parties were disqualified during the first round of the presidential elections. The duel between a centrist and a radical-right candidate in the second round of the elections constitutes an unprecedented configuration. Moreover, there was a record parliamentary renewal after the 2017 legislative elections, as well as a feminisation of the National Assembly with 38.8 per cent of women among the deputies. At the same time, abstention for the legislative elections reached a new record high. Overall, the results of the French elections in 2017 could point to major shifts in the party system, as well as to a renewal of the French political elite, and to an enduring malaise between French citizens and their political representatives.  相似文献   
114.
Abstract

For the general elections in 2000 and 2004, civic groups in South Korea joined forces to stage the so-called ‘blacklisting campaign’ or ‘defeat campaign’ against allegedly corrupt, incompetent or anti-reform politicians. The campaigns not only played a significant role in thwarting many politicians from getting nominated or elected but also heralded a new era in Korean politics: civic groups have now emerged as a major political force, capable not only of challenging party policies and pending legislation but also taking on an agenda-setting prominence in a wide array of policy areas. In analyzing the success of NGO political activities in the 2000 and 2004 general elections, this paper draws on resource mobilization theory to show how the civic groups effectively utilized various resources, including leadership skills, communications and office facilities, and access to the mass media, to achieve their objective rather than relying simply on the spontaneous participation of voters. In comparing the efforts of civic groups in the two elections, the paper also explains the factors that made their endeavors relatively less successful in 2004 (e.g. a splintering of alliances among the civic groups). On the whole, the paper argues that the greater political involvement by civic groups is likely to lead to a more pluralistic, open and competitive form of democracy, and that the vibrant civic activism in Korea is an indication not only of maturing democracy but also a more secure entrenchment of civil society.  相似文献   
115.
ABSTRACT

Making sure political parties receive comprehensive and favourable media coverage is a full-time activity that extends beyond the period of election campaigns. In the era of the permanent campaign the annual autumn conferences of the main British political parties represent a publicity opportunity. The undivided media coverage of these events provides a platform for the political parties to sell themselves and their policies to a national audience beyond the conference venue, but also presents considerable risks. To ensure that they successfully exploit this publicity opportunity the party managers, with the aid of communication experts, both control the conferences and implement media management strategies. This article examines how the parties have adapted their conferences to sell themselves and their policies. It highlights the public relations techniques that are employed to ensure that party policy gains the desired positive news coverage and that the coverage of potentially damaging events is minimized. It concludes by considering the impact this marketing driven logic has on the party conferences and their media coverage.  相似文献   
116.
Abstract

Since the restoration of democracy in 1974, Greek politics have undergone a serious transformation, exemplified by the increase in political participation that strongly affected political advertising at the national and local level. The major claim of the paper is that political campaigns in major cities in Greece are “modern” while in the periphery of the country political campaigning is based more upon direct forms of interpersonal relations. Our claim is based upon an examination of the role of political advertising in the major metropolitan city of Thessaloniki (around 1.000.000 inhabitants), and the semi-peripheral city of Kastoria (around 17.000 inhabitants), both situated in Northern Greece. The primary objective of this study is to establish a strong factual foundation that can be used by policy makers, opinion leaders, and citizens in order to understand the role of political advertising in national and municipal elections in Greece.  相似文献   
117.
2010年"五都"选举民进党打了一场"非典型"选战。在这场选战中,民进党扬弃了过去的"激情牌"和"悲情牌",在"北二都",刻意淡化民进党的政党属性,以"幸福牌"和"治理牌"为选战主轴,凸显苏贞昌、蔡英文的理性务实精神和贴近市民的柔性、感性诉求。许多新的观念和新潮事物被引入选举中,特别是网络和"客厅会"、"小英行动加油站"等小型动员方式的运用,是试图创造有别于传统基层组织和桩脚的新型动员方式。尽管选举结果民进党没能拿下"北二都",但在基本盘蓝大于绿的"北二都",选情却一直呈胶着状态。特别是第一次参选的蔡英文,在新北市一举拿下了百万票,显示民进党及其候选人的竞选策略在一定程度上是成功的。本文以布鲁斯.埃.纽曼的政治营销模式的核心概念(选民细分、候选人定位、战略制定与实施)来解析民进党"北二都"竞选策略。  相似文献   
118.
凌经球 《桂海论丛》2012,(6):56-61,1
推进西部地区的农业现代化,破解二元经济结构,促进城乡协调发展是西部大开发的重要目标。加快农村土地流转,实现农业生产适度规模经营是西部农业现代化的重要前提条件。当前西部地区农村土地流转总体状况不理想,既有制度机制不健全、政府职能缺位等外部因素制约,也有非农就业比重低、生产效率低以及地块细碎等内部因素障碍。要从统一思想认识、加快基础设施建设、强化科技支撑、培育土地流转市场、发展各类专业合作社、规范政府管理、加强社会保障体系建设等方面入手加以整体推进,才能加快西部地区农村土地流转。  相似文献   
119.
The purpose of this study was to evaluate child abuse prevention campaign materials. Using a randomized posttest design, 600 parents from an online research panel were recruited and surveyed. Multiple regression results indicate that exposure to the campaign materials had a significant relationship with four of the five domains (effects of child maltreatment, the appropriateness of harsh parenting, the physical dangers and needs unique to childhood, and the power to prevent child maltreatment). These results have implications for the child abuse prevention practitioners who seek to design and distribute effective campaign materials.  相似文献   
120.
实践证明,公安思想政治工作是严打整治斗争的重要生命线,是夺取这场斗争胜利的法宝.从这样一个观点出发,我们大力改进思想教育机制、改进队伍管理机制、教育训练机制和干部管理机制,充分发挥了公安思想政治工作的功能作用,保证了严打整治斗争的全面胜利.  相似文献   
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