我国一人有限责任公司设立制度评析

我国《公司法》对于设立一人有限责任公司的出资设置过高的门槛,容易导致实质上的一人有限责任公司的大量设立和存在,并引起股权纠纷和债务纠纷.一个自然人限设一个一人有限责任公司存在较多的不合理性.监事(会)没有必要作为一人有限责任公司的必设机构.建议尊重市场选择,放宽一人有限责任公司的设立标准.     

《1857-1858年经济学手稿》中的资本逻辑与共产主义展望

资本逻辑是马克思解剖资本主义的核心视角,也是他展望共产主义终将实现的理论支持.依据《1857-1858年经济学手稿》,从资本运动的发生原因出发,资本逻辑可理解为资本自身进行辩证否定运动的内在规律,以否定性和必然性为核心规定.马克思以资本逻辑为线索,揭示资本主义社会问题产生的内在根源,论证共产主义终将实现.他认为资本本身...     

Blue growth: savior or ocean grabbing?

While the global rush to control land resources is well established, ‘power-grabs’ in relation to marine and coastal resources are less well researched. Under the banner of ‘blue growth’, such power-grabs are taking shape through global policy processes that purportedly align the needs of the poor with profit interests and climate change concerns. This contribution critically interrogates these policy proposals and situates them within broader neoliberalization of nature debates. It is argued that the policy proposals fail on their own terms and are a form of ‘antipolitics’ that precludes more radical visions of addressing environmental and climate change issues. In an attempt to challenge this, small-scale fishers’ movements are increasingly framing their opposition in terms of the broader struggle for ‘food sovereignty’.     

职工参与制及其理论基础质疑

职工参与制是我国劳动者参与企业管理的制度,它有别于劳动合同制度、团体协约制度以及职工持股制度。在计划经济体制下,实行民主管理制有其历史合理性。但在市场经济体制下,从劳动者以其人力资本投资企业的方式来考察,职工参与制会导致剩余索取权和剩余控制权的不对称进一步扩大。它使得公司法背离了对效率的追求,也会危及劳动法的平等、公平的正义基础。     

Citizenship Capital

ABSTRACT

This article examines the citizenship dimension of transnational inequalities. It is clear that some citizenships offer great advantages while others are liabilities for the individual, and the aim of this present article is to develop a conceptualisation of citizenship and inequality, in order to be able to assess and compare them. For this purpose, elements of Pierre Bourdieu's sociology are utilized. The argument is that citizenship can be thought of as a form of capital in this Bourdieusian sense – that is, as a resource with which individuals are more or less endowed, and which impacts on people's transnational social positions, their capacities for action, their strategies and perceptions. The main contribution is to develop this idea, which is referred to as “citizenship capital”. Its usefulness is demonstrated by considering its interaction with economic capital for shaping positions in transnational social space.     

北京市某区社会资本举办医疗机构现状及管理对策

本文首先对社会资本举办医疗机构的设置现状进行描述,进而分析其存在的问题,提出针对性的管理对策,为加强卫生法制建设,依法管理社会资本举办医疗机构提供建议。     

重思马克思恩格斯对近代中国开端的唯物史观洞察

马克思、恩格斯眼中的近代中国问题是资本全球空间扩张的结果，是对其唯物史观、世界历史理论的验证。资本逻辑全球扩张开启世界历史的过程，也是它冲击落后国家 和民族的特权和等级逻辑、推动人类社会现代化的过程。贸易和战争是资本全球空间扩张的两大手段，战争可以为贸易开道，也会导致贸易停滞，二者之间存在矛盾，无论选取哪种手段，利润都是唯一目的。马克思、恩格斯起初用中国革命形容太平天国运动，后来将之仅看作起义，原因是只有顺应人类社会历史进程、推动社会全方位根本变革的运动才能称作革命，否则只是改朝换代的农民起义。在全面把握人类社会历史整体发展趋势和充分考虑中国独特境遇及中国人民战争的基础上，马克思恩格斯对中国前景作出了科学预测。在他们看来，未来的中国必将走向一个更为进步的社会形态，且会深刻影响世界文明的进程。     

论副省级城市和省会城市党委的党内法规制定权

副省级城市和省会城市党内法规制定试点,意味着党内法规制定权开始下移。虽然《关于加强党内法规制度建设的意见》对试点党内法规的制定权进行了限制,但其具体范畴尚待明晰。副省级城市和省会城市党内法规制定权面临着与市级立法权的关系,以及与省级党内法规制定权限的划分两方面难题。确立地方专属党内法规制定权或采取辅助原则不符合党内法规体系的制度特征。市级党内法规与市级立法是横向关系,运用协同治理理论可确保党规与立法在地方层面的衔接协调;市级党内法规与省级党内法规是纵向关系,特别权力关系理论对市级党内法规的服从性与自主性提出了要求。     

丹尼尔·贝尔对马克思的三重误读

基于所处时代哲学任务的需求,马克思恩格斯在阐述其理论时强调经济基础的作用,而鲜有对文化领域的观照。而马克思逝世后,科技理性所带来的巨大影响、国际工人运动的走向、资本主义和社会主义社会结构的发展以及现代性危机的涌现,似乎与马克思理论的阐述都有所不同。如此种种,引发了西方学者对于马克思文化观、社会发展理论的误读,以及对现代性问题实质的误判,出现了经济决定论、唯物史观过时论等论调。其中,丹尼尔·贝尔则是这种思潮的代表,他以“意识形态终结论”“资本主义文化矛盾”“后工业社会”等大观念为基础,构建了西方社会发展的理论体系,却无不映现其曲解、否定马克思主义,宣扬历史唯心主义观念论的错误。从马克思的社会发展理论、文化观和现代性问题三个层面对贝尔的误读进行梳理和回应,可澄明马克思主义理论的生命力和解释力。     

Editor’s Note

Envisioning a well-ordered society composed of filial subjects who obeyed the law, avoided disputes, shunned religious heresy, paid their taxes, and peacefully engaged in agriculture, the Kangxi emperor’s “Sacred Edict of Sixteen Maxims” (圣谕十六条) has often been considered a declaration of the alien Qing dynasty’s Confucian bona fides. While the rhetoric of the pronouncement echoed traditional moral values, the political acumen of the Qing rulers was readily apparent in the eighth maxim, “explain the laws to warn the ignorant and obstinate.” Melding moral and legal education, the eighth maxim specifically endorsed the efficacy of the law. The importance placed on legal knowledge was abundantly clear in one of the earliest commentaries, which explained all sixteen maxims with examples of applicable legal guidelines. Thus, the “Sacred Edict” was a shrewd maneuver that endorsed traditional moral values, but it also foreshadowed a “legislative turn” in the Qing rule that was discernible in the evolving ethos of criminal justice. Despite the extensive efforts to propagate the “Sacred Edict,” violent crime was on the rise in the Kangxi, Yongzheng, and Qianlong reigns. When transformation through moral “teaching and cultivation” (jiaoyang 教养) failed to alleviate social conflict, Qing rulers reconsidered and revised the established practice of criminal justice and the existing concept of criminal behavior. By the end of the eighteenth century, the effort to stem the tide of violent crime relied less on ideological exhortation and more on legislation that articulated harsh punishments. This “legislative turn” in Qing criminal justice resulted in an aggressive policy of deterrence that facilitated the greater use of capital punishment.