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41.
冯国瑞 《北京行政学院学报》2002,1(2):46-51
社会主义代替资本主义是历史发展的必然趋势.战后资本主义的新变化没有改变这一趋势,只是加速了这一趋势;苏联的解体、东欧的剧变不可能否定这一趋势,它只是表明了一种社会主义模式的失败和社会主义必然胜利的曲折性;信息社会的来临也决不意味着资本主义的永世长存,相反,它为社会主义战胜资本主义准备了更为坚实的技术基础,不仅如此,信息社会走向更高级的智能社会的发展趋势,印证着共产主义必然实现的真理性. 相似文献
42.
常宝红 《河北青年管理干部学院学报》2003,(2)
在社会主义发展的历史进程中,如何学习和利用资本主义、发展社会主义是一个高难度的课题。邓小平在改革开放和社会主义建设实践中,运用哲学思维,成功地从一般原则和具体方法两个方面解决了学习和利用资本主义、发展社会主义的实践问题,加速了社会主义现代化建设的进程。 相似文献
43.
Adnan Shakeel Mohd. Sadiq Salman Tasneem Shazli Hasan Raja Naqvi Masood Ahsan Siddiqui 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2023,23(1):e2847
The Indian government unveiled new farm legislation on September 27, 2020, with the goal of empowering the farming community. According to the government, new farm regulations will reduce the reliance of indigenous farmers on the mandi (market yard) system, which is now in place and is quite exploitative and full of middlemen and legal cartels. The regulations made contract farming lawful with the intention of luring private sector investment in bolstering agricultural supply chains and infrastructure to give farmers better pricing. But these rules are referred to as repressive and anti-farmer by the farming community. Farmers believe that eliminating the mandi system will eliminate the minimum support price (MSP) mechanism and that contract farming will ultimately be damaging, enticing major corporations and private investors to bind them to unfair contracts that will result in exploitation. Farmers' demonstrations have begun as a result in the former territory of the green revolution. In order to determine if the new farm regulations introduced by the central government are indeed beneficial to the rural community or not, the article followed the debate among many academics, policy makers, economists, researchers, stakeholders, and politicians (the government's spokesman). The article's main focus is on analysing the farmers' demand for the new farm rules to be repealed and the economic justification for their opposition. Additionally, it contends that new farm rules will encourage capitalistic farming and endanger the viability of farming communities, particularly small and marginal farms (S&M). 相似文献
44.
Stewart Lansley 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(3):377-383
This article traces the history of ‘crowding out’, and its use as a justification for austerity and state deflation from its origins in the 1920s to its latest post-2010 incarnation. It examines why governments have kept turning to austerity and continue to justify it on the grounds that public sector activity crowds out more productive private activity, despite the accumulated evidence that this traditional pro-market formulation has failed to deliver its stated goals. It examines three other embedded forms of crowding out that have been highly damaging—leading to weakened social resilience and more fragile economies—but which have been ignored by both governments and mainstream political economists. 相似文献
45.
Jason W. Moore 《The Journal of peasant studies》2018,45(2):237-279
This essay – Part II – reconceptualizes the past five centuries as the Capitalocene, the ‘age of capital’. The essay advances two interconnected arguments. First, the exploitation of labor-power depends on a more expansive process: the appropriation of unpaid work/energy delivered by ‘women, nature, and colonies’ (Mies). Second, accumulation by appropriation turns on the capacity of state–capital–science complexes to make nature legible. If the substance of abstract social labor is time, the substance of abstract social nature is space. While managerial procedures within commodity production aim to maximize productivity per quantum of labor-time, the geo-managerial capacities of states and empires identify and seek to maximize unpaid work/energy per ‘unit’ of abstract nature. Historically, successive state–capital–science complexes co-produce Cheap Natures that are located, or reproduce themselves, largely outside the cash nexus. Geo-managerialism’s preliminary forms emerged rapidly during the rise of capitalism. Its chief historical expressions comprise those processes through which capitalists and state-machineries map, identify, quantify and otherwise make natures legible to capital. A radical politics of sustainability must recognize – and seek to mobilize through – a tripartite division of work under capitalism: labor-power, unpaid human work and the work of nature as a whole. 相似文献
46.
韦伯一个世纪前提出的新教伦理与资本主义精神的关系在东亚资本主义发展过程中具有相当的关切性,它体现在韦伯中国命题的相关内容中.自从韦伯命题诞生以来,出现了大量研究东亚现代化的学者对韦伯命题的解释和回应,但这些观点却并不足以完全否证韦伯命题.韦伯命题中包含的合理内核依然是我们理解东亚传统文化与现代化之间关系的重要路径. 相似文献
47.
Magnus Feldmann 《Communist and Post》2013,46(4):493-501
This article examines Estonia's economic institutions, performance and vulnerability to the global economic crisis in the context of the varieties of capitalism framework. It shows that Estonia shares many characteristics of a liberal market economy, but that there are also some features which do not fit the classical model, notably its corporate governance institutions. It also suggests that the varieties of capitalism framework can account for key features of Estonia's economic performance, including its growth trajectory and adjustment to the global financial crisis. The article also reflects on the broader significance of these findings for understanding post-communist capitalism. 相似文献
48.
Nana Okura Gagne 《当代亚洲杂志》2018,48(1):67-87
What have been the processes of economic restructuring occurring inside many Japanese corporations, and what neo-liberal techniques have been used on the ground since the 2000s? By placing Japanese neo-liberalism within the broader historical and socio-cultural dynamics of the ideology of “companyism” since the end of World War II, this article analyses the specific deployment of neo-liberal techniques in the Japanese workplace, and the evolving responses by both employees and management. It argues that while profit margins and efficiency were clear targets for neo-liberal reformers, the human cost of neo-liberal economising was more difficult to calculate and triggered unforeseen frictions and tensions in the workplace. As a result, corporate reforms have been mediated by the challenges emerging from various structural reforms. This article shows how both employees and management became more self-reflexive and new permutations of neo-liberal governance have emerged, highlighting both the continuities and changes in the meaning of work under the global permeation of neo-liberalism. 相似文献
49.
赵国新 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2018,32(6):12-18
萧伯纳的代表作《芭巴拉少校》具有高度政治隐喻性质,它暗中回答了19世纪以来马修?阿诺德等文人和学者热衷于探讨的一个重大社会问题:未来的英国由谁来统治?安德谢夫家族企业的继承人问题,本质上是未来英国统治阶级的人选问题。作为工业资产阶级的典型代表,安德谢夫无往而不胜,各个方面取得了成功。然而,令他(萧伯纳)始料未及的是,他所选中的库森斯不可能是一个合格的接班人,因为,历代安德谢夫所秉持的传统足以表明,像库森斯这种中产阶级出身、缺少“狼性”的人文知识分子是无法承担起英国工业资本主义的历史使命的,19世纪末以来的英国工业资本主义发展史已经证明了这一点。就此而言,可以说,萧伯纳在无意中写出了英国资本主义当时暗含的重大危机:工业精神的衰落。 相似文献
50.
Stefano Bellucci 《Labor History》2017,58(2):154-169
AbstractThis paper seeks to explain the development of capitalism in Eritrea and Kenya from a labour history perspective. Indeed, the assumption in this research is that capitalism can only be explained by taking into consideration free wage labour as one of the sine qua non conditions for the existence of the capitalist mode of production. Therefore, the article looks at the paradigmatic socio-economic shifts: from unfree to free labour, from free to precarious labour and from unfree to precarious labour. These are the result of the complicated relationship that exists between capital and labour. The point of departure of the analysis is the Nieboer-Domar hypothesis on the structural origins of slavery, which despite severe criticism, it has been largely remained unchallenged until the present. In Eritrea, colonised by Italy, and Kenya, colonised by England, free wage labour fully developed between the nineteenth and twentieth century. This could be considered the era of the advent of capitalism, with the advent, for a fraction of the working population, of labour relations based on wages. The precarisation of life of free wage workers is also partially analysed in this article. 相似文献