首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   778篇
  免费   39篇
各国政治   21篇
工人农民   24篇
世界政治   17篇
外交国际关系   158篇
法律   189篇
中国共产党   14篇
中国政治   94篇
政治理论   121篇
综合类   179篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   16篇
  2022年   4篇
  2021年   10篇
  2020年   24篇
  2019年   15篇
  2018年   14篇
  2017年   38篇
  2016年   31篇
  2015年   23篇
  2014年   33篇
  2013年   166篇
  2012年   39篇
  2011年   38篇
  2010年   50篇
  2009年   40篇
  2008年   49篇
  2007年   42篇
  2006年   30篇
  2005年   46篇
  2004年   26篇
  2003年   24篇
  2002年   16篇
  2001年   23篇
  2000年   12篇
  1999年   4篇
  1995年   1篇
  1994年   1篇
  1991年   1篇
排序方式: 共有817条查询结果,搜索用时 9 毫秒
781.
涉案电话通信信息与犯罪侦查   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
涉案电话通信信息既包括与犯罪嫌疑人本身所持有、使用的手机、程控电话、IC卡电话等通信工具有关的信息,也包括被犯罪分子盗、抢、骗手机的通信信息。它具有时限性、对象性、价值性、保密性等特性,可以通过现场勘验检查、调查访问、电信部门和其他途径获取。利用涉案通信信息开展侦查的方法多种多样,而且具有极大的灵活性,需要侦查主体充分发挥创造性思维加以运用。涉案通信信息在犯罪侦查中的运用已经日益显示其重要性,为了提高在犯罪侦查中利用涉案通信信息的效能,应在侦查人员中普及电信基本知识,建立通信信息查询系统,加强与电信部门的联系和协作配合,制定相关法律法规,细化和规范利用涉案通信信息的侦查行为。  相似文献   
782.
非法吸收公众存款罪的公开性是该罪认定上的难点,也是理论研究的薄弱环节,其中的相关问题应得到进一步明确。首先,公开性的本质是宣传对象的不特定性,即针对不特定多数的人进行宣传。其次,公开性与社会性存在交集和重叠,同时也各具独立价值。第三,在口头传播的性质认定上,应区分是否为集资人授意及集资人对集资信息的扩散持何种心态。第四,公开性不以虚假宣传为必要。  相似文献   
783.
This paper investigates a corpus of email messages known as “419 scams”: a form of financial fraud in which huge offers of money are being made to people provided they pass on bank details and other personal information to the perpetrators. This kind of message presents us with a typical instance of “globalized” communication: they are produced in the margins of the world (the term “419 scam” is Nigerian) and sent to other places; they are electronically mediated; and they are written in varieties of “world languages”, mostly English. In the messages, authors claim particular identities and relationships, and have to do so using specific, generically regimented forms of communication. Investigating such forms yields a complex view of what it takes to communicate in a globalized environment: at least three different forms of communicative competence seem to be blended. First, authors require technological competence, the capacity to control, explore and exploit the communicative opportunities offered by global email systems. Second, they require cultural competence: they need some awareness of genres and genre expectations among their addressees in order to stand a chance of success. And thirdly, they need linguistic competence: the capacity to actually produce linguistic messages that are congruent with the projected identities and relationships in the transaction. We see that whereas the first two forms of competence appear to be well developed, the third is often problematic, yielding rich indexical signals pointing towards fraud. The genre of email fraud thus yields insights into the changing nature of communication in the age of globalization.  相似文献   
784.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):307-339
Abstract

This article assesses some major democratic norms commonly invoked in relation to means of communication or ‘media’, especially in the context of ‘media policy’. The paper argues that freedom of communication provides the most appropriate normative discourse in which to re-articulate the case for the European policy practice of ‘regulated pluralism’ outside Europe. Recent developments in Australia provide a brief case-study of this thesis.  相似文献   
785.
ABSTRACT

Having analyzed the different strategies used in the 1998 and 2002 parliamentary election campaigns with reference to the 1990 and 1994 campaigns, we can conclude that the Hungarian election conventions and culture are still in a state of experimentation and exploration. In contrast with American election traditions, in Hungary, not the individual (with the exception of the Alliance of Young Democrats), but the party image is what counts, though, in this respect, considerable changes could be observed during the last few years. The Hungarian political palette is much too fragmented, and this sets a barrier to the necessary desire for creating a suitable forum for the debate of the party leaders and for the declaration of party politics. At present, the party programme reaches the citizens just in implicit, hidden, often symbolic forms of messages.

While the symbols of the left-wing parties were sketchy, unskillful, too rational, and not giving much space for emotional influence, the right-wing parties gave too large of a dose of different symbols, which were emotional rather than rational. This lack of balance made the campaigns superficial, irrational, sometimes misleading, and abnormal. This feeling of abnormality was strengthened by the fact that the overdose on the part of the right wing was not limited to the campaign period, but the emotional shocking started much earlier. The state of excitement, which was spread in time, actually started in the spring of 1998, and even if there were fluctuations, the general mood of the last four years was characterised by the dug-out hatchet. The political opinion of the Orbán party was clearly expressed by their metaphors. The message of the sentences like 'it is more than change of government, less than change of regime,' 'attacking on the whole field,' 'we change the telephone directories,' etc., was unambiguous: combative four years are coming. During their campaign, 'setting up a record' was realized between the two rounds after the failure in the first round and was still going on showing the election failure, which came about in democratic circumstances (Galló Béla, 2002, 93).

One could hardly judge the effectiveness of agenda building, though some of the crucial social questions appeared as cue words and sentences in the mediated messages of parties (for example, family, health care, education, joining the European Union). Hungarian campaigning, compared to the American presidential election campaign, is colorless and rife with technical and rhetorical errors, and it is a competition without any coherence where the citizen is very often just a means of, but not the goal in, the struggle of the parties.  相似文献   
786.
ABSTRACT

This article argues for a particular approach to the relationship between the production and reception of mass media, using as a key the theory of targeting and its application in elements of the political marketing mix: media relations and news management. In particular, two case studies show that in this context very fine-tuned targeting is normal and that the details of conjuncture are crucial. The implications of this form of targeting for the understanding of media audiences are spelt out through a critique of certain approaches to the audience: audience measurement, agenda-setting and framing theory, ‘active audience’ theories, and targeting as practised in media buying and programming. On the basis of these case studies and critiques, it suggests that this category of targeted audiences has characteristics whose relevance to analysis of the production/reception relationship has gone unrecognised, and that to this extent the theory of this relationship needs to be re-cast.  相似文献   
787.
警察具备高的执法素质是国家综合国力得以增强的前提和保证。公安机关要提升警察执法素质,必须以改革创新的理念开展针对性执法理念教育和实效性的执法培训,采取打造阳光执法体系、规范警察执法行为等措施,才能有效提升警察执法素质,确保执法机制长效运行。  相似文献   
788.
Abstract

There is a considerable lack of awareness of the interrelated nature of human activities due to insufficient information. A community without relevant information or public sensitivity to participation, in fostering a sense of personal environmental responsibility and greater motivation towards achieving personal goals, becomes problematic. Using the poststructuralist theory, this article takes a qualitative approach to analyse discourses and people's reaction to an ‘insecure’ environment within South African communities. It examines organisations which provide support to empower communities through education in Cape Town. One assumption here is that people gain knowledge about themselves, their environment and others around them, if they are empowered. The focus thus is on educational schemes and activities that communities and organisations undertake to challenge, accept and negotiate their ideological positions. The inventiveness and responses of the organisations considered, through the local communities and pupils, are therefore significant as they enable an understanding of the challenges encountered in democratic South Africa, including the causes of xenophobia. Ultimately, the consequences of ignorance about one's environment are detrimental to both neighbouring communities and people at large. The local communities considered expressed this sentiment while implicating the government's role in depriving its people of vital socio-cultural and politico-economic information.  相似文献   
789.
ABSTRACT

The globalisation processes driving development and the transnational nature of crime require the collaboration of police within regions using sophisticated technology to combat crime. This article examines the role of technology and leadership in enhancing cooperative policing. Following a successful safety strategy during the 2010 Federation of International Football Association (FIFA) Soccer World Cup (SWC) tournament in South Africa, the aim of the article is to demonstrate how technology and strategic leadership contributed to the success of this event. The research conducted consisted of an extensive review of existing research publications on the state of policing in southern Africa; and a conference presentation by Lieutenant-General Pruis about policing the SWC from which key policing lessons have been extracted. The literature survey revealed the challenges of police forces and policing in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) as being primarily resource constraints, and socio-political environments that are not always conducive to effective policing. Conclusions drawn are that some of the lessons from the SWC, such as planning, budgeting, strategic leadership, regional and international cooperation of security personnel, community involvement, an informed media strategy and the use of technology to support these processes, can be replicated in regional policing operations.  相似文献   
790.
Contemporary governments have persistently responded to accruing implementation blind-spots by further restructuration of public bureaucracies. This has come with increased agencification and coordination efforts to enhance organizational efficacy and to produce trust for legitimation purposes. Accountability reforms in particular rarely address non-formal implementation processes that seem to characterize these efforts, mainly, inter-organizational trust. This is despite mounting evidences on the centrality of organizational trust in collaborative implementation processes of policy reforms. Basing on qualitative data from Kenya, this paper explores the production of organizational trust and its influence on the implementation environments for accountability reforms between oversight and governmental institutions. Data indicate that common difficulties in collaborative-implementation framework like fragile horizontal accountability-relations, misinterpretations of authority, obsession with control and autonomy, poor organizational-communication mechanisms, public trust deficits, poor internalization and institutionalization, etc. also correspond to problems of organizational trust. So, it is suggested that besides building public and interpersonnel trust, a policy design should also device steps that can strengthen internal-accountability systems, reduce some forms of bureaucratic slackness, enhance interorganizational communication and justice systems. This should improve inter-agency trust and ease cultural-instrumental tensions typical in collaborative implementation relations common in modern public administration.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号