Lebanese youth are constructed through fragmented lenses, and are recipients of partial, unresponsive, and often irrelevant policies. Despite these constraints, many youth have become actively engaged in political life, especially since 2005. Three types of youth engagement can be identified: i) the ‘conformists’, who privilege their sectarian belonging, ii) the ‘alternative groups’, who engage in professional NGOs, and iii) the new ‘activists’, who prefer loose organising centred on progressive and radical issues. New forms of youth activism in the contested city of Beirut have been able to exploit interstitial openings for seeds to grow into potentially “disruptive mobilizations”. While these resistances may have been limited up to now in time and space, youth activist groups still embarrass, hold accountable and constrain hegemonic politics. They may be generating seeds of collective action that still have to be further structured and organised. 相似文献
Inter-regional price differences reflect the degree of market segmentation. This paper focuses on the heterogeneity factors, such as location, size, which impact on the price differences .We divided the CPI sub-items of 36 cities by local production, and verified the nonlinear variation features for price differences by Exponential Smooth Transition Autoregressive (ESTAR) model. The conclusions are as follows: the most cities' price differences are convergent, about 50% of the cities in line with the nonlinear of the lower the price deviation, the slower the convergence rate; the heterogeneity has significant impact on price differences, low transaction costs causing big cities (coastal cities)to have higher convergence ratio than small cities (Mainland cities), but the high labor and living cost making the convergence ratio of locally-produced Commodity in big city become lower. The results illustrate that the labor and living cost are becoming a major source of price differences between cities, which also hinder the market integration process, and transport costs at least no longer important in big cities. 相似文献
Haifa was named a ‘mixed city’ by the British, who ruled Palestine from 1917 to 1948, in reference to the two national communities that inhabited the town. This definition was not neutral, and reflected the Brits aspirations to create national coexistence in Palestine among the diverse urban societies.
Reality was more complicated. The basic assumption of this paper follows the idea that the bi-national urban society of Mandatory Haifa developed into dual society, albeit with much overlapping in economic and civil matters, but takes it one step further: through highlighting changes in the urban landscape, I wish to argue dominance of the national European modern Hebrew society over the Palestinian-Arabs and the traditional and oriental Jewish societies and ideas alike. The changes in the urban landscape tell us the story of Zionism's growing influence and dominance, and the way the urban landscape was used to embody Zionism's modern European ethos. The neighbourhood's segregation, therefore, represents not only the effort to separate but to create a modern national ‘sense of place’ that influenced the city development. 相似文献
The paper analyzes everyday life as an arena of politics and choice as a form of everyday power. The paper discusses the theoretical
debate on choice and everyday life as depoliticization mechanisms and claims, as opposed to the prevailing theory, that choices
made in everyday life form politics of small things. In the various choices that women make and the way they conduct their
everyday lives, they offer an alternative sociopolitical order based on a conscious, intentional choice. The experience of
Palestinian woman citizens of Israel living in cities of mixed Jewish and Palestinian populations serves as the field of study.
I argue that the choice to live in a mixed city and everyday life in this city constitutes an alternative life space for Arab–Palestinian
women that allows them to express their opposition to both their own society and the larger Jewish society and, at the same
time, serves as a setting for social change. Arab–Palestinian women utilize the space of the mixed city to forge new ways
for themselves and their families to structure gender relations, feminine identity, class identity, and Palestinian national
identity in a largely ethnonational and gendered unequal society.
This research examines trends in U.S. homicide rates at the city level during the so‐called homicide epidemic in the latter decades of the 20th century. Using spline regression techniques to locate structural breaks in city‐level time series, we model the true trends of homicide rates to identify those cities that exhibited a meaningful boom and bust cycle. We then use Tobit regressions for all cities at risk of experiencing a cycle to estimate unbiased effects of theoretically important predictors on the timing of the phase changes. Our findings reveal that larger cities were more likely to experience an epidemic‐like pattern, and that densely populated cities characterized by high levels of deprivation tended to exhibit the rise and fall in homicide rates earlier than other cities. 相似文献