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11.
Abstract

While many studies have identified an association between social class and economic preferences, we know little about the implications of changes in class location for these preferences. This article assesses how social class and intra-generational class mobility affect economic preferences drawing on longitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey. In doing so, the article adopts a post-industrial perspective that considers horizontal and vertical class divisions. Even when time-invariant characteristics of individuals are kept constant (through fixed-effects estimation), it is found that both vertical and horizontal class location explain economic preferences. Thus, these estimations suggest that social class moulds preferences, even when accounting for factors that can lead to selection into classes. Moreover, people who change classes hold different economic preferences than their peers in the class of origin, but do not completely assimilate into their class of destination. This implies that growing intra-generational class mobility could undermine the class basis of political conflict.  相似文献   
12.
我国《民法典(草案)》将"生物识别信息"列入"隐私权和个人信息保护"的范围。目前,在外国以保护隐私权思路保护个人生物识别信息的民事诉讼实践中所遇到的困难主要包括:"类主体"与"类事由"化问题;侵权行为的"程序性违法"问题;传统"案件—诉讼—损害"的民事法理逻辑对损害赔偿的限定等问题。充分完善"类诉讼"制度;解决新兴权利的法律赋权问题;确定"程序性违法"的"损害"认定标准以及完善举证责任制度,是保证个人生物识别信息民事权利诉讼救济充分实现的制度优化措施。  相似文献   
13.
郑志 《知识产权》2020,(5):74-80
假冒注册商标罪犯罪构成的客观要件与商标假冒侵权的构成存在交叉,有必要在犯罪客观要件构成的判断中吸收商标假冒侵权的判断标准。商标许可的存在应以合意说为标准,服务商标也应纳入刑法保护,相同商标是视觉上基本无差别的商标。同一种商品的判断以《商标注册用商品和服务国际分类表》《类似商品和服务区分表》为参考,综合考虑一般公众的认识。商标使用的判断需要加入识别来源的功能性考量。如果有证据能够证明双相同也不会导致混淆,则可排除犯罪成立。在商品类别比对中应以核定使用的商品范围为据,但对连续三年不使用的商标不宜提供刑事保护。  相似文献   
14.
《Labor History》2012,53(4):519-528
This study examines the working-class custom of “can rushing,” a.k.a. “rushing the growler,” which was the common saloon-era practice of carrying alcohol (usually beer) from a saloon in a pail for consumption elsewhere. The ubiquitous saloon served as one of the most contentious spaces between the middle class and a burgeoning working class during the Gilded Age/Progressive Era, and reformers attacked it as a blight on their communities and working-class drinking customs as a threat to a moral and orderly society. Reformers' efforts to restrict can rushing was part of a larger effort to impose middle-class control over workers' leisure activities and their parental prerogatives. For much of the working class the saloon and the cultural mores that surrounded it were a mainstay of their culture. While men were the primary customers of the saloon's interior, “rushing the growler” turned women and children into saloon customers as well. Reformers portrayed this practice as the lowest form of saloon patronage for men, while at the same time arguing that it was a dire threat to the moral welfare of women and children. Much of the working class, however, viewed this practice as an efficient and economical way to consume alcohol in the workplace, on the street, and in the home. This study will consider how the struggle over can rushing politicized this cherished working-class leisure activity.  相似文献   
15.
在社会主义条件下,工会作为无产阶级执政党联结工人阶级的纽带,是党实现执政使命的重要组织资源。然而,在市场经济条件下,受传统体制的制度约束,工会组织亟待摆脱“制度性弱势”,完成党巩固阶级基础的“传动装置”的再启动。因此,需要在党的推动下实现工会制度创新,不断完善工会维权机制,提高工会组织的代表能力,赢得职工群众的信任,这有利于增强党在代表最广大人民根本利益层面的政治合法性。  相似文献   
16.
Social and demographic changes in western societies have led to a (re-)definition of social rights related to care-dependency and the introduction of further regulations of formal and informal care delivery. Care has increasingly become provided in the public sectors – the state, market and civic sector – and new types of cash benefits to support informal family care have been introduced. In this article, the concept of social care is used as a theoretical tool to analyse the relationship between the (re-)definition of social rights, the growth of a regular or grey care labour market and the related development of new forms of inequality according to socio-economic class and ethnicity in the female dominated area. The empirical comparison of the developments in Sweden, Germany and Italy reveals the dimensions of social rights – eligibility criteria, level and types of benefits – which are decisive for the growth of a regular and grey care labour market and the intersection of different forms of inequality.  相似文献   
17.
The impact of globalization on the structure of social inequality is controversial discussed in actual debates. The national focused research is challenged by globalists. The article concentrates on the problem of order and shows how this is solved by the national structures of social inequality. In the next step the reasons for and against the national solution are presented. Finally the possibility of transnational constituting structures of social inequality is examined. How probable is the structuration of global inequality if basic elements of order are missing on this level?  相似文献   
18.
The interdependency of ?production“ and ?reproduction“ has increasingly attracted the attention of the scientific community and the media. Biological and social reproductions are topics of family and gender studies: In family research reproduction is analysed as a basic function of the family; in gender research reproduction is mainly studied as a factor that effects social inequality. While sociological research was for a long-time concentrated on the ?conciliation“ of ?work“ and ?(family) life“, nowadays a change of perspective is necessary: How can employees maintain their psychological and physical strength when the work sphere becomes more and more flexible? How can they safeguard their social relationships? The article connects the categories ?work-strength –life-strength “ as a perspective that considers the structural and contradictory relationship of ?work“ and ?life“. With the concept of ?doing reproduction“, individual efforts are brought in the centre of research. Hereby is shown that the functionality of reproduction as a social sphere is fundamentally based on reproduction as an individual practice.  相似文献   
19.
Das Internet und die Transformation der Musikindustrie   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Since the late 1990s, the music industry has been undergoing a period of significant and crisis-ridden changes, which was initiated and forced by a new set of technologies: digitalization, data compression and the internet. This paper analyzes the repercussions of this new technological constellation on the socioeconomic structures and institutions of this sector. The reconstruction of this technology-based sectoral transformation shows that the constitutive impulses for restructuring came from the fringes of the sector and from external actors. The established companies in the music business were hesitant in accepting the new technological challenges. They initially reacted with blockades and containment strategies and only defined a strategical repositioning upon massive and indisputable pressure to change. The paper argues that the low ability to anticipate and adapt to these technological, organizational and institutional challenges is due to the interplay of several factors. Among these are (1.) general difficulties to anticipate the socioeconomic impact of fundamentally new technological opportunities, (2.) complex and time-consuming processes of establishing a new techno-institutional match, (3.) the technological conservatism and (4.) the oligopolistic structure of the sector as well as (5.) the hierarchically structured core companies. Together these factors obstructed a controlled sectoral transformation led by the established core players.  相似文献   
20.
In the present article, I propose to determine reform capacity based upon policy outcomes and the governing performance of executives. Both components shall be measured through expert assessments and quantitative data for the 30 OECD member states in order to construct an index of reform capacity. The concepts underpinning the index are explained and compared with existing approaches of performance and governance measurement. Criteria are developed to assess the strategic capacity of governments and the accountability-generating functions of political actors surrounding the government. The envisaged measurement and aggregation methods are described and the potential of the proposed approach is discussed.  相似文献   
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