拉美中产阶级政党的困境:以墨西哥国家行动党为例

中产阶级政党的发展与其阶级基础和政治立场等因素有关。拉美中产阶级政党在进口替代工业化进程中崭露头角,但在近年来普遍面临发展困境。本文以墨西哥国家行动党为案例探讨这种困境的成因,对该党内部派系斗争、社会基础等因素进行历史分析。作为持中右立场的中产阶级政党,墨西哥国家行动党长期面临两大制约。一是来自右翼势力的渗透,导致该党政治定位出现摇摆,从中间立场向右翼摆动,党内长期分裂,党政不和。二是狭隘的阶级基础所造成的地域局限性。国家行动党的主要力量集中在中小企业发达的北部地区,难以成长为全国性大党和国会中的多数党。在这两种制约因素的共同作用下,国家行动党选举竞争力不强、执政能力低下,始终无法建立广泛而稳定的群众基础,陷入发展困境。结合阿根廷激进公民联盟和哥斯达黎加民族解放党的类似情况,本文认为拉美国家中产阶级政党普遍面临相似的困境。能否突破这些结构性制约,是拉美中产阶级政党发展面临的挑战。     

Lifestyle and the Depoliticisation of Agency: Sex as Power in Women's Magazines

Sex, due to its connotations of dangerousness and the non-traditional, has been used heavily in women's magazines and other mass media to signify core values of power and freedom as part of their brands. Through this process, other forms of agency for women have tended to be excluded. In these magazines women are shown to be assertive, powerful and independent, not through the political views that they hold, not through the way that they act upon society, but through the way that they seduce men and behave sexually. We show, using a number of examples, that for this to happen a fantasy space has to be created: a space where real-world obstacles and meanings are erased, allowing a repertoire of theatrical sexual play to operate. This is typical of the lifestyle society in which we now live. In this society, we define ourselves not on the basis of who we are, in an older sense of gender or social class, but in terms of what we do and the values we hold. The way we communicate these values is often through our use of consumer products, which allows us to align ourselves with the core values and meanings with which the products have been loaded. But while lifestyle itself may be a matter of choice, the choices available to us are often created to serve the interests and needs of large corporations, of consumerism. Sex is one such choice of which we must be very careful.     

The scientific‐technological revolution,the forces of nature,and Marx's theory of value

ABSTRACT

Worker and environmental alliances are critical to advancing economic and environmental transformation, yet they have been very challenging to promote and sustain. This article analyzes these difficulties by providing a class analysis of “divide and conquer” strategies instigated by capitalist firms to subvert worker/environmental alliances. It situates the relationship between workers, environmentalist and capitalist firms in two historical contexts, namely of Keynesian welfare state capitalism and neoliberal capitalism. It highlights some contextual factors that shape “divide and conquer” strategies of capital—particularly the paradigm of economic growth characteristic of these historical periods. The conclusion contemplates some of the possibilities that a post-capitalist economy might provide for workers and environmentalists to rethink economic and ecological agendas without the distorting influence of the “divide and conquer” strategies employed by capitalist firms.     

学习型班级视域下高校辅导员胜任力要素分析

新形势下构建高校学习型班级对辅导员职业胜任力提出了新的要求,从自我超越、改善心智模式、建立共同愿景、团队学习、系统思考五项修炼的角度对辅导员胜任力进行分析,可以形成涵盖基础、核心、关键3个层次的胜任力要素模型,并以此为基础通过规范选拔配备机制、创新管理协调机制、完善培训学习机制、优化激励考核机制,建立健全融选拔、培训、管理、考核于一体的辅导员胜任力提升体系,达到提升辅导员胜任力水平、构建学习型班级的目的。     

The difference

Growing up in the 1960s and 1970s meant living in a time of turbulence and change. The music, literature, and films, combined with the passionate activism of the era, profoundly influenced people in my generation. My working class family struggled to raise a family and make a decent living, instilling values of social justice along the way. I knew from an early age that I wanted to make a difference, but had many internal conflicts to resolve before I could effect change. An education in sociology taught me what was wrong in the world and law school gave me the tools I needed to effect change. Working in the court system and with students has made a difference, one person at a time.     

Age patterns of migration among Korean adults in early 20th-century Seoul

In this study, we examine age patterns of migration among adults who resided in Seoul in the early twentieth century. We use information, obtained from the Seoul household registers, on the length of time these adults lived in their current residences to estimate age-specific migration rates and construct migration life tables. Our findings point to the following: First, Seoul residents were quite mobile. On average, during the early twentieth century, Seoul residents moved approximately four times between their primary working ages of 15 and 64. Second, upper-class individuals were more mobile than lower-class individuals. While the upper-class individuals moved approximately five times between ages 15 and 65, the lower-class individuals moved less than three times. This class differential can be explained because Korean bureaucrats experienced frequent duty changes during this period. Third, household composition also affected migration rates. We compare our results with European migration studies and discuss the implications of these finding on urbanization that occurred in early twentieth century Seoul.     

Do Labour Parties Suffer from Declining Turnout? Evidence from Norwegian Local Elections

The argument that declining voter turnout harms social democratic parties has received little support in research on national elections, but partisan consequences of declining turnout in local elections has been less explored. Norwegian local elections – where both turnout and support for the Labour Party have declined since the early 1960s – are used as a test case. Analyses of aggregate data gave no systematic support for the hypothesis that Labour suffers from lower turnout. Declining turnout and declining Labour Party vote were not causally related, and the correlation between the two variables seemed to be the result of other long-term social changes. Analyses of survey data pointed to three flaws in the premises on which the hypothesis was based. First, the effect of declining turnout on the biased class composition of the abstainers was ambiguous. Second, the Norwegian Labour Party suffers less from differential turnout than before as a result of declining class voting. Third, the Labour Party may suffer from a demobilisation of the working class, but the party may also benefit from a demobilisation of the young.     

“At That Time We Were Intimidated on All Sides”: Residues of the Malayan Emergency as a Conjunctural Episode of Dispossession

ABSTRACT:

This article proposes that the Emergency counterinsurgency campaign of the British colonial state should be viewed as a conjunctural episode of dispossession of Malayan laboring people. Conjunctural episodes of dispossession of working people through state violence and racialized rhetoric emerge as a response to crises in capitalist accumulation occurring at multiple and overlapping scales of capitalist systems – the imperial, the national/colonial, and the local/regional. During these episodes state and capitalist strategies destroy political organizations and solidarities among laboring people and demoralize them over long periods of time, through processes simultaneously material and semiotic. Employing new theorizations of the global anthropology of labor, this article first examines the postwar and Emergency years when the multiethnic and industry-wide bases of Malayan trade unions were destroyed while an estimated half a million working people were forcibly concentrated in so-called New Villages. This had the effect of suppressing a discourse of class and class struggle in favor of a dominant discourse of ethnic conflict. In an effort to articulate class struggle despite the presence of this dominant discourse of essential ethnic difference this essay examines the formation of a new working men's “society” in 1978–1980 and a dispute between truck drivers and truck owners in northern Malaysia.     

How to build a better future? Kyrgyzstani development workers and the ‘knowledge transfer’ strategy

The development industry has moved from concepts of aid and technical assistance to the idea that closing ‘gaps’ in people's knowledge is the most effective way of alleviating poverty and injustice. My data show the means through which this ‘knowledge transfer’ is actually supposed to happen. I examine the micro-politics of development: the role and agency of development workers, who are so frequently employed to conduct ‘training’ on a wide range of topics affecting citizens' well-being, such as conflict prevention or sustainable agricultural practices. This paper draws on ethnographic research between 2010 and 2012 with Kyrgyzstani NGO workers to analyse the ‘side-effects’ of development, such as the creation of a new social class and softening age hierarchies. I examine the widespread conviction among trainers that education can solve most social ills, and their concepts of how knowledge, sometimes in the guise of ideologiya, shapes people. I argue that this faith in knowledge reflects both the life course of NGO workers themselves and what they can offer from within the ‘knowledge transfer’ paradigm. An understanding of the friction between different expectations of knowledge content, teaching relationships and aims in creating well-being is not only essential to a critical reflection on these development efforts but also illuminates wider political and social processes and relationships, such as expectations of the state and international community.     

Conclusion: Getting It All Together

Abstract

As the aticles of the symposium present a wide variety of conclusions on whether public administration has “grown up,” this overview article does not attempt a unified synthesis of the authors’ views but rather makes a composite analysis of contrasts and patterns among them. Attention is then shifted to the organizing metaphor itself, that of maturation. Following a review of how each article employs it, some general reflections are offered on its usefulness.