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811.
This study examined the cultural and developmental significance of maternal and paternal parenting processes (closeness, support, monitoring, communication, conflict, and peer approval) for measures of anxiety and depression symptoms in adolescents from Hungary, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and the United States (N=6,935). Across all cultural contexts, measures of maternal and paternal support and conflict were most consistently associated with measures of internalizing behaviors. Few differences were observed in the importance of individual parenting processes for anxiety or depression symptoms across cultures. Additionally, with the exception of maternal conflict for anxiety and depression symptoms and paternal closeness for depression symptoms, none of the parenting process dimensions differed in importance for internalizing behaviors across developmental periods (middle versus late adolescence). The investigation provides evidence of great similarity in developmental processes, both across cultural contexts and developmental periods.class="Contact">
相似文献
Alexander T. VazsonyiEmail: |
812.
John Burdick 《Negotiation Journal》2015,31(2):155-170
Two scholar practitioners of conflict intervention and social movements present case histories of mediated conflicts involving complex choreographies of contention and negotiation. Both processes, while differently structured and facilitated, have led to improvements in the dynamics of identity‐based conflicts in urban communities. The authors raise theoretical questions and propose improvements to practice. 相似文献
813.
Matthias Fatke 《Swiss Political Science Review》2015,21(1):99-118
This paper analyses the moderating effect of direct democracy on the relationship between socioeconomic status and electoral participation. A sceptical position holds that direct democracy increases social bias in the electorate as issues are too complex and demanding. Participatory democrats in contrast invoke an educative effect of direct democratic institutions, thus decreasing social bias within the electorate. To test both arguments we use data from the Swiss cantons and estimate cross‐level interactions of socioeconomic and direct democracy variables on electoral participation. First differences between effects in the least and most direct democratic cantons are not statistically significant. This result may be seen as relief for sceptics as well as dampener for proponents of direct democracy. 相似文献
814.
Throughout the developing world, rapid urbanization is leading to new social relations and new conflicts between urban and (formerly) rural populations. This paper examines this process of change through a detailed examination of changing rural–urban relations in the town of Darjeeling, in the Himalayan foothills in Eastern India. In Darjeeling, increased rural mobility, accelerated rural-to-urban migration and the increased participation of rural people in local politics have led to major changes in the town. We demonstrate that the upward trajectory of rural classes who were previously subordinate is leading the more established urban residents to feel threatened, resulting in a redrawing of local political issues along rural–urban lines and a reconfiguration of class consciousness and social relations. The urban middle class, whose opportunities in the town have stagnated or declined, see rural migrants as a source of competition for increasingly scarce resources and blame them for the overall decline in the quality of urban life. They mobilize their (predominantly cultural) capital to reinforce markers of cultural distinction between them and the rural migrants and to delegitimize the political gains they have made. We argue that rural–urban conflict is emerging as the chief source of tension in the town and that this tension is largely grounded in class issues. 相似文献
815.
How does a change from a compulsory voting system to a voluntary one affect election turnout? It is often argued that an electoral regime under which voting is voluntary reproduces class bias or, in other words, that the rich vote more than the poor. This bias is corrected either by the introduction of compulsory voting or the existence of strong left-wing parties and trade unions able to mobilize poorer segments of the population. In this article, we put forward an alternative argument. We assert that when voting is voluntary, class bias can disappear if an election is very competitive since this affects both turnout and its socio-economic composition. To evaluate this argument, we examine the case of Chile's 2012 municipal election when voting was voluntary for the first time, instead of compulsory. 相似文献
816.
Lewis Baston 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(1):64-71
The suburban areas that were initially stereotyped in the late nineteenth century as ‘Villa Tory’ strongholds and exemplified by Hackney and Islington had, by the 1980s, become ‘bedsitter’ areas dominated by the political left. An examination of the evolution of electoral behaviour in these areas shows that conservatism did indeed dominate the villa suburbs, and that although there were previous intimations of decline, it was not until 1945 that Labour broke the Conservatives’ grip. The causes of this are identified as an outward movement of the population to interwar suburbia, the breaking up of villas into flats, and Labour's increasing appeal to middle class electors. In this category of seats, Labour has outperformed the party's national achievement consistently since 1955; the party's exceptional results here in the 2017 election are, therefore, a new peak on a long‐term trend rather than a breakthrough. 相似文献
817.
Claire Ainsley 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(3):470-478
The result of the 2016 European Union (EU) referendum revealed a disconnect between policy makers and the public, particularly those who could be considered part of Britain’s contemporary working class. Whilst there has been significant attention paid to the parliamentary activity to agree the terms under which Britain will leave the EU, there has been comparatively less attention paid to the causes of the vote, and what can be done to improve public trust in democracy. This article proposes a new public attitudes‐led policy‐making model, using democratic innovations and design thinking, to reconnect policy making to the public and improve political equality. 相似文献
818.
Olaf Riss 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2007,20(9):237-243
Im Bereich voller Anwendbarkeit des MRG hat der Vermieter für eine Erhaltung des Mietgegenstandes "im jeweils ortsüblichen
Standard" zu sorgen. Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht, dem unbestimmten Gesetzesbegriff der Ortsüblichkeit anhand der bisherigen
Rechtsprechung Konturen zu verleihen sowie Kriterien für die bisher unklare Abgrenzung zwischen dem dynamischen Erhaltungsbegriff
des § 3 MRG und der Verbesserung nach § 4 MRG herauszuarbeiten. 相似文献
819.
Kürzlich hat der OGH das Eintrittsrecht des homosexuellen Lebensgef?hrten in den Mietvertrag unter Berufung auf die MRK-konform
vorzunehmende Auslegung des § 14 Abs 3 MRG grunds?tzlich anerkannt. Der folgende Beitrag setzt sich n?her mit der aktuellen
Entscheidung unter Berücksichtigung der Vorjudikatur und des neueren Schrifttums auseinander und bezieht dazu ausführlich
Stellung. 相似文献
820.
Heinz Mayer 《Journal für Rechtspolitik》2007,15(2):68-70
Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit der Frage, welche rechtlichen Möglichkeiten der Ausschussobmann bei gleicher Mandatsstärke in Bezug auf das Nominierungsrecht der Parteien zum Gesamtvorschlag der Volksanwaltschaft hat. 相似文献