American Progressivism and the Obama Presidency

US progressivism is half espoused, half rejected, by an ambivalent if talented President. The Republican image of the President as ‘socialist’ is one which the social democratic Democrats wish were true. The President's readiness to compromise has not tempered the extreme hostility of the Republicans. It has been exploited by the political agents of business and finance. It has used by the permanent war party: the campaign against ‘terror’ enables it to retain mastery of foreign and military policy. The New Deal's heirs, seeking more social democracy and less militarism, are bereft of new forms of political action. US democracy is threatened by an eruption of cultural and religious fundamentalism, racism, and xenophobia, as well as a compulsive refusal of social solidarity. Withal, the situation is open as well as complex, and the President in the long run may be much more successful than his angry detractors and disappointed supporters allow.     

切实推进公民有序的政治参与

公民政治参与是现代民主政治的核心,是政治现代化进程和社会文明进步的重要标志.扩大公民有序的政治参与,对于发展中国特色社会主义民主政治、构建社会主义和谐社会具有重要意义.由于传统政治体制的影响和社会转型时期诸多矛盾的制约,我国公民政治参与在不断完善的同时,还存在许多现实问题.要针对这些问题,积极采取有效举措,扩大和完善公民有序的政治参与.     

地方治理兴起的动力体系研究——中西方的比较

“地方治理”是西方政治社会长期孕育、发展的结果，是建立在一定的根基之上的，其直接的动力是全球化、分权化、信息化的发展，而最终是由地方政府具体启动的。“根基”、“动力”与“启动”组成了地方治理兴起的动力体系。     

政党守法认识论探析

政党政治是民主政治的产物。政党行使着相当一部分的国家政治权力，左右国家和社会的发展，对国家政治生活有着广泛的影响。政党政治于民主政治而言，不只是积极作用，也有消极作用。正因为此，政党要守法。政党守法是法治国家的题中之义，是民主政治的必然要求，是市场经济的内在逻辑。政党守法既要明确政党守法的范畴，叉要明确政党守法的前提条件。     

和谐社会视野中大学生和谐政治心态的培育

在倡导人与自然、人与社会、人与人、人与自身心灵和谐的社会大背景下，大学生中的政治沉默、理性主义等政治心态，是其中的不和谐之音。贯彻以人为本的基本理念，寻找思想政治教育的合理路径，才能培育大学生的和谐政治心态。     

新时期民主政治中表达权研究

表达权既是个人自我价值实现的途径，也是实现人民自治的民主政治的重要手段。人的一切权利正是从表达权开始的。研究新时期民主政治中表达权，必须从表达权的内涵、理论渊源、实现形式、意义等方面入手，系统研究其来龙去脉，以推进民主政治和谐建设。     

民主政治：和谐社会的政治基石

民主政治作为一种政治体制,构成社会政治的骨架和心脏,对社会发展起着组织、管理和控制作用,通过权力和政策的方式来实现不同利益之间的整合、妥协、平衡。因此,民主政治奠定了和谐社会的政治基石。     

Why Right‐Leaning Populism has Grown in the Most Advanced Liberal Democracies of Europe

Immigration and new class divisions, combined with a growing anti‐elitism and political correctness, are often used as explanations for the strong gains for right‐leaning populist parties in national elections across Europe in recent years. But contrary to what we might assume, such parties have been very successful in the most developed and comprehensive welfare states, in nations—such as the Nordic countries—with the best scores on economic equality and social inclusion and long established political and judicial institutions enjoying a high degree of popular legitimacy. As argued in this article, this seems to happen because a duopoly of the centre‐left and centre‐right political establishment has kept issues such as immigration and new class divisions off the public agenda and hence paved the way for right‐leaning ‘disruptor’ populist parties with an anti‐immigration agenda in times of increasing immigration.     

Brexit,Fisheries and Scottish Devolution: An Intergovernmental Disruption

With the UK set to leave the EU, the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) will no longer apply and an alternative legislative framework will need to be put in place, simultaneously navigating the devolved settlement. However, aspects of fisheries management fall under the area of international negotiation which is reserved to the UK government. Disagreements between the UK and Scottish governments over where the line between devolved and reserved lies in this matter has led to difficulties in formulating a post‐Brexit fisheries framework. This dispute has exposed weaknesses in relations between the two governments.     

‘Austria First’ revisited: a diachronic cross-sectional analysis of the gender and body politics of the extreme right

ABSTRACT

In this paper, Rheindorf and Wodak provide a discourse-historical analysis of extreme-right cultural politics in Austria, ranging from the blatant racism in the speeches of Vienna’s former Deputy Mayor Johann Gudenus (now MP in the Austrian parliament) to the construction of an idealized national body in the election campaigns of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), its programmatic agenda in handbooks and pamphlets, and the performances of far-right pop singer Andreas Gabalier. Rheindorf and Wodak argue that such cultural politics use a wide spectrum of discursive strategies both inside and outside established party politics and that the accompanying production of an ideal extreme-right subject is informed by nativist ideology. The cross-sectional analysis demonstrates that the cultural politics of the Austrian extreme right ranges from appropriated national symbols to coded National Socialist iconography. These politics pervasively construct a gendered and racialized national body, policed by a ‘strict father’ and nurtured by a ‘self-sacrificing mother’, vis-à-vis an apocalyptic threat scenario identified with migration, intellectual and political elites, cosmopolitanism and progressive gender politics.