“We feel that our strength is on the factory floor”: Dualism,shop-floor power,and labor law reform in late apartheid South Africa

ABSTRACT

This article explores the transformation of South African labor relations during the 1980s. In 1979, prompted by new shop-floor militancy, the Wiehahn Commission recommended that black workers, previously excluded from state labor machinery, be permitted to join recognized trade unions. Most discussions of this shift in apartheid labor relations focus on the ensuing debate within the black unions, torn between preserving their independence or securing state legitimation. This article looks instead at the related debate about ‘levels of bargaining’: should emergent black unions demand to negotiate at the factory level, where they had secured shop-floor strength through organizing and democratic practice, or pursue the benefits of the corporatist bargaining structures that had long excluded them and had privileged white workers? The eventual drift towards corporatism, I argue, imprinted the character of the South African labor movement into the post-apartheid era. An understandable desire to wield influence at the level of the national political economy eroded the tradition of workers’ control, shop floor democracy, and struggle unionism that black unions had forged during the 1970s and 1980s.     

推行工资集体协商的实践与思考

在中国特色社会主义的现实环境和“党政主导、工会运作”的维权机制下,国有及其控股企业要带头开展工资集体协商,这是有所争论的理论与现实问题。面对国有企业在建立职工工资正常增长机制和权益维护方面存在的问题,企业利益与职工利益之间存在的矛盾,国有企业要发挥较好的民主传统和健全的政工体制优势,率先搞好工资集体协商,进一步健全企业民主管理机制,为实现科学化、规范化管理打下更坚实基础。     

预防和处理集体劳动争议心理对策研究

当前不同利益群体之间的矛盾尤其是劳动关系矛盾日趋复杂,各种类型的集体劳动争议案件逐年上升,已严重干扰和阻碍了社会的稳定和发展,成为各级政府着力解决的热点、重点和难点问题.本文分析了集体劳动争议的现状及特点,在此基础上用心理学的理论探讨了有针对性的、可行的预防和处理集体劳动争议的心理对策,对降低集体劳动争议的发生率和破坏程度,促进社会稳定与和谐具有一定的理论价值和现实意义.     

Governance of a public sector joint venture: the control challenges of dominated owners

Local governments increasingly choose to provide a wide range of services through cooperation with other local governments. Providing complex services through intergovernmental units creates collaboration risks and collective action dilemmas that need to be mitigated. Based on a longitudinal case study, an investigation is made into the dynamic processes in the governance of a public sector joint venture (JV) and the control challenges of dominated owners. The findings illustrate that the approach to mitigating collective action dilemmas is far less rational than that prescribed by the normative literature, resulting in control challenges at later stages in the relationship. Limitations in the assessment of collaboration risks are explained by drawing on resource dependence theory (RDT) arguments. Dynamic processes in the JV relationship create the need to adjust the governance system. However, adaptability is constrained by power asymmetry and control complexity.     

The Effects of Blaming Others for Legislative Inaction on Individual and Collective Evaluations

Legislators commonly blame others for gridlock. We posit that legislators may engage in this type of rhetoric to minimize the individual reputational risks associated with legislative inaction or to boost the relative standing of their party. In a series of six survey experiments, we find that blaming others for inaction undermines voters’ evaluations of individual legislators who engage in this rhetorical strategy. This effect is particularly pronounced among out-partisans and independents. However, blaming rhetoric can also enhance the standing of the blamer’s party relative to the opposing party across all groups (including out-partisans), in large part by undermining the reputations of these other actors. Ultimately, we show that when an individual legislator engages in blaming rhetoric, the immediate net electoral effects are null. This suggests that coordinated efforts by a party to blame opponents may improve the party’s relative standing, while imposing few costs on those engaged in blaming.     

文学与博览会的对话——以1935年台湾博览会为中心

1935年的台湾博览会,台湾总督府作为策展者,力求将台湾装扮成“繁荣”、“昌盛”的形象,这些展示成了外界判定“日本殖民有功论”的资料证据。当时,台湾知识分子对博览会有相关的记述和叙事,他们以自己的“小叙述”,或纠正,或对抗策展者的“大叙述”。经由博览会这一空间,可以解读出台湾“殖民现代性”的驳杂性和多义性。     

两大法系陪审制度比较研究

西方国家的陪审制度有两种运作模式,一种是英美法系的陪审团制,另一种是大陆法系的参审制。这两种陪审制度的主旨都在于吸收普通民众参与诉讼,从而将“民间智慧”和“大众理性”引入司法领域,但是,在具体的制度设计上,二者之间则存在着明显的差异。这些差异的形成,与两大法系各自的司法制度和法律文化传统密切相关。     

“新与旧、公与私、理与时、情与势”中的人——试探李准1954-1955年(合作化高潮前)的小说创作

本文聚焦于作家李准的早期创作(1954年到1955年7月合作化高潮前),追踪李准如何观察互助合作过程所引发的农民在价值观念、心理、意识、情感、家庭关系等方面的变化状态,深入分析他围绕互助合作的动员组织方式、个人与集体关系、集体形成路径、新的家庭关系与乡村日常生活状态等主题所展开的观察和把握的具体意涵。文章进而揭示,李准的体察突破了惯常的"阶级"视角,有助于我们突破相关历史表述及其逻辑重新认识那一段历史中经验的真实意涵,同时使我们得以在更为丰富的维度中思考20世纪50年代合作化进程中集体与个人、公与私、情与理等重要问题。文章还将思考李准当年这些观察和理解对我们今天认识中国乡村社会和农民的启发意义。     

新冠肺炎疫情与全球安全文化的退化

安全文化是一个社群就怎样界定安全和安全威胁、怎样保障和实现安全所达成的主体间理解和共同知识。冷战之后,全球化推动了一个全球社会的初步形成,因之也催生了一种以开放安全、共同安全与合作安全为基本内容的合作型全球安全文化的雏形。但是由于全球治理失灵,不断出现且日益积累的全球性威胁得不到有效应对,民粹现实主义强势兴起,合作型全球安全文化屡遭重创,开始向以封闭安全、孤立安全、零和安全的冲突型安全文化转变,明显降低了国际安全合作的几率。抗击新冠肺炎疫情中的全球公共安全合作的失败就是一个明显的例证。虽然人类向共同体进化的历史大趋势不可阻挡,但在一段时间内,合作型全球安全文化与冲突型全球安全文化的激烈竞争将会是国际关系的新常态。     

Bargaining for justice: A means to resolve competing justice claims

In many types of social situations, individuals defend their claims to a portion of the rewards by arguing that they are just. Although a great deal of research demonstrates that individuals differ in their distribution preferences and thus their beliefs about what is fair, the literature curiously omits consideration of the consequences of these differences, especially the conflict they may engender. This paper first reviews the few attempts to address such justice conflict. The limitations of these approaches suggest concerns to be addressed in an alternative framework. The paper presents a theoretical discussion of this alternative that integrates assumptions about distribution preferences, justice beliefs, conditions fostering the emergence of justice conflict, and elements of negotiation processes as a basic framework for predictions about the bargaining strategies individuals may employ to resolve competing justice claims.