论中国农地产权制度市场化改革的思想障碍

我国现行的农地产权制度安排是城乡两大利益集团博弈的直接结果.由于农民政治权力弱小又缺乏土地权益的法律保障,以任何借口阻挠农地产权市场化改革,都是为了维护城市既得利益集团的需要.目前,除了政府不肯轻易放弃廉价占用农民土地的经济利益之外,这一制度安排还得到了理论界一些权威人士的舆论支持.这些理论观点主要包括:应消灭一切土地私有制,土地集中兼并将导致农民两极分化、不利于兼顾土地的公平与效率、确保农民的基本生活保障与国家粮食安全,农地私有化将提高国家基础设施建设成本等等.因此,澄清理论界对于下一步深化农地产权制度市场化改革理论上的认识误区,具有重大的理论与实践意义.     

农村集体土地所有权制度：在理想与现实之间——兼评《中华人民共和国物权法》第60条

中国自古以来就是一个农业国家，土地历来是农民维持生计的基础，土地制度也就成为中国基本的经济制度，同时它在中国的法律制度中占有重要地位。由于种种原因，中国的农村集体土地所有权制度未能充分发挥其应有的制度效应，集体土地所有权还存在着种种弊端，直接影响了土地所有权功能的发挥。本文在分析和研究集体土地所有权的主体、主体类型及其选择的基础上，重新定位权利主体，并提出“从所有制层面上将集体土地所有权的主体确定为村农民集体；从所有权层面上将集体土地所有权的主体确定为村经济合作社”的基本观点。最後从宪法和物权法两个不同层次提出可供参考的立法建议，作为全文的归纳和总结。     

The effectiveness of NGO self‐regulation: theory and evidence from Africa

Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) play an increasingly important role in public service provision and policy making in sub‐Saharan Africa, stimulating demand for new forms of regulatory oversight. In response, a number of initiatives in NGO self‐regulation have emerged. Using cross‐national data on 20 African countries, the article shows that self‐regulation in Africa falls into three types: national‐level guilds, NGO‐led clubs and voluntary codes of conduct. Each displays significant weaknesses from a regulatory policy perspective. National guilds have a broad scope, but require high administrative oversight capacity on the part of NGOs. Voluntary clubs have stronger standards but typically have much weaker coverage. Voluntary codes are the most common form of self‐regulation, but have the weakest regulatory strength. This article argues that the weakness of current attempts to improve the accountability and regulatory environment of NGOs stems in part from a mismatch between the goals of regulation and the institutional incentives embedded in the structure of most self‐regulatory regimes. The article uses the logic of collective action to illustrate the nature of this mismatch and the tradeoffs between the potential breadth and strength of various forms of NGO self‐regulation using three detailed case studies. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

集体记忆情境下的“80后”晒童年现象的社会学思考

80后晒童年现象是潮流回归和怀旧时尚的表现，暗示着80后即将逐渐担负起社会责任的开始，但是其中也或隐或显地潜藏着80后青年一代组织归属感和文化归属感缺失的征兆。“集体记忆”作为社会学中集体行动一种特殊的方式，应当引起各级决策者的重视，努力加强青年组织建设，增进青年的归属和认同感，各类新闻媒体要坚持正确的舆论导向，发挥健康的价值引导作用，推动青年亚文化向健康、活泼、高雅的方向发展。     

Alternative South–South development collaboration? The role of China in the Coega Special Economic Zone in South Africa

Aid, in the form of financial aid and investment, has become increasingly prevalent in both bilateral and multilateral partnerships in the BRICS. In Africa, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation provides the official framings for forms of development assistance to the continent, with financial forms of aid available through the New Development Bank and the China–Africa Development Bank (CADFund). This article explores how Chinese international development assistance has influenced South Africa's economic growth and development strategies and is reshaping South Africa as “gateway” to Africa and continental leader. Special economic zones (SEZs) have become a prioritised form of BRICS development collaboration particularly in terms of Chinese trade and investment expansionism into Africa through South Africa. Chinese international development assistance and foreign direct investment in South Africa in particular are very notable and have been strengthened during the Chinese official state visit prior to the Johannesburg BRICS Summit in 2018. The article critically analyses the development policy discourse on BRICS spearheading an alternative model of South–South international cooperation by examining the Coega SEZ in South Africa, hailed as the most SEZ in Africa. The article critically examines the development alternative potential of the Coega SEZ.     

The Commons: A Social Form that Allows for Degrowth and Sustainability

This theoretical article opens with the reconstruction of a value-critical argument which claims that capitalism is a form of society that is structurally unsustainable. The reason for this is the need for ever-increasing value production which stems from the core of capitalism (the commodity form, competition, profit maximization, private production) and its internal and external limits. Based on this, the article calls for a fundamental social transformation and positions the commons as a social form that has the potential to replace the commodity form as societal foundation. Constituted by social practices (commoning) that are based on voluntariness, autonomy and needs-satisfaction, commons do not have an inbuilt growth compulsion. Therefore, the article concludes, the commons may enable humanity to deal with the question of sustainability on the basis of social structures that include the possibility of a solution.     

中国梦:一个梦想的集合体——略论中国梦的系统构成及其各部分间的关系

中国梦是中华儿女在现阶段的现实追求和理想目标,它不仅是一个全新概念,更是一个理论体系。中国梦囊括了全体、集体和个体三个层面的愿景,熔炼了三个层面的梦想,成为一个梦想的集合体。就三者的辩证关系来说,全体梦是目标导向,集体梦是组织保障,个体梦是行动力量。因此,要实现中国梦,首先要激发个体的创造热情和行动活力,在合法框架下尊重个体的需求并提供其实现个人愿景的公平机会;其次要顺应社会组织发展的多元化潮流,在市场经济体制中充分发挥社会组织或民间团体的利益整合和保障功能;最后要坚持和而不同的中国精神,凝聚共识和力量,在社会主义道路上追求人民幸福、国家富强和民族复兴之梦。     

The Quest for Community Development in Nigeria: Interrogating the Utility of Fourth-Tier System of Government in Imo State

The recent establishment of fourth-tier system as a distinct, but coordinating level of government in Imo State came with the expectation that it would facilitate community development. However, the underdevelopment situation of most communities dashed this expectation. Thus, this recent study adopted theory of postcolonial state as our analytical framework to interrogate the development utility of the fourth-tier system using mixed research methods for evidence gathering and analysis. The analysis revealed that the system grossly underperformed its development functions resulting from lack of stakeholders’ supports, which should be the basis for determination and implementation of fourth-tier system in Imo State.     

The effect of alliance membership on national defense burdens, 1953–88: A test of Mancur Olson's theory of collective action

Olson and Zeckhauser (1966) offered the first theoretical explanation for variation in the defense burdens of allies. Since then, the theory of collective action (Olson, 1971 [1965]) has been extensively tested using the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Warsaw Pact (WTO). While most studies indicate that allied defense burdens (the ratio of military expenditures to gross domestic product) are correlated with economic size, this relationship has rarely been assessed for non‐allied states. Here we examine the association between national defense burdens and economic size, 1953–1988, for NATO, the WTO, the Rio Pact, and the Arab Collective Security Pact in a nested test using most of the non‐allied nations of the world as a control group. Our results generally support the theory. NATO and the Warsaw Pact consistently conform to theoretical expectations, and evidence regarding the Rio Pact, on balance, is positive. Defense burdens are not correlated with economic size within the Arab Pact, however. In addition, nations’ defense burdens are affected by the external threat, as indicated by arms races and war; but the effect of involvement in war is surprisingly small.     

Negotiating the Marcellus: The Role of Information in Building Trust in Extractive Deals

New technology has expanded the opportunities for energy companies within the United States, often bringing them into populated communities and requiring them to negotiate deals with landowners. This case study focuses on how one group of landowners in northeastern Pennsylvania creatively reimagined the process of negotiating in a natural gas deal. They used collective bargaining for leverage, and the Internet and social media to level the informational playing field. These techniques allowed them to develop trust within the group and ultimately with one company, as they sought to protect their environment and enhance their financial gain.