治理视野下的信访制度

中国的信访制度运行50年,在21世纪进入了制度变迁的关键时期。从历史的考察和现实的分析可见,中国特色的信访制度更加符合治理的逻辑而不是法治的逻辑。在治理的视野之下,按照合法性、透明性、责任性、法治、回应和有效的目标,改革信访制度的现实路径应着眼于改善信访的社会环境、合理定位信访功能、坚持法治原则、注重信访治理过程及信访治理的社会效应、探索多样化处理问题的方式。     

试析青少年犯罪的社区预防

近年来,青少年犯罪成为一个严重的社会问题。为了从根本上遏制青少年犯罪,我们必须利用社会的力量,形成职责明确、协同配合、齐抓共管的工作网络,切实做好青少年违法犯罪的预防工作。社区是城市管理体制的基础,是青少年学习、生活、娱乐和就业的重要场所。社区对青少年的成长,有着深刻的影响。立足社区,可以把闲散青少年、流动青少年和问题家庭青少年等群体有针对性的管理起来,强化预防青少年违法犯罪工作的力度,同时把学校教育、家庭教育和社会预防工作整合起来,形成预防青少年违法犯罪工作的社会联运机制。     

社会组织管理体制:地方政府的创新实践

本文从中央与地方这一空间维度审视地方政府创新实践及其对我国社会组织管理体制改革的推动作用。在当前中央社会组织管理体制改革的进展背后,存在一轮如火如荼、方兴未艾的地方政府创新实践,这些地方实践各有特色,并经过相互竞争和学习,在管理目的、理念、主体等方面形成一些共同取向。对创新的动力进行分析发现,各地的创新探索既非社会需求自下而上的压力驱动,亦非源自中央自上而下的指示和动员,而是地方党政领导思想解放、主动创新的结果。本文认为地方创新有力地推动了中央层次的社会组织管理体制改革进程,具体而言有三种机制,即改革预期包围、改革意志传递和改革备选政策供给。     

论我国未成年犯罪人社区矫正的必要性与可行性

针对未成年人犯罪的成因及特点,除了对一部分社会危害性大的未成年犯罪人实行监禁矫治而外,对那些确实有悔改表现,不再危害社会的未成年犯罪人,社会能够对其进行有效控制的实行社区矫治,这种做法不仅震慑了犯罪,同时也挽救了一大批确有悔罪表现的失足青少年,使他们重新步入社会,开始新的生活。有效地对未成年犯罪人进行社区矫治不仅具有现实意义而且具有战略意义,本文仅就实行未成年犯罪人社区矫正的必要性与可行性加以探讨。     

治理视野下地方立法的发展方向与路径选择

从1970年代末开始的改革开放拉开了中国社会转型的序幕,政府主导的渐进式社会变革稳步推进;在改革进入深水区,利益调整更加纷繁复杂的情况下,地方立法在地方治理活动中扮演着越来越重要的角色。地方立法实践中面临着质量控制、民主参与、利益樊篱等问题,也受制于社会变革与中央立法整体进程。在坚持地方特色的基础上,地方立法应当坚持民主化与科学化发展方向,积极引领、规范地方治理工作,不断推进地方治理现代化。     

公民治理理论析论

20世纪90年代后期产生于美国的公民治理理论代表了一种新的公共行政价值观,它建立在对新公共管理理论某些缺陷的批判基础之上,在一定意义上可以看成是对新公共管理理论的一种超越。本文比较系统地辨析和概括了公民治理的基本观点,公民治理与公民参与之间的紧密关系,并对其实践价值作了简要评析。     

Institutional Change Through Policy Learning: The Case of the European Commission and Research Policy

Research initiatives to enhance knowledge‐based societies demand regionally coordinated policy approaches. By analyzing the case of the European Commission, Directorate‐General Research and Innovation, this study focuses on examining the cognitive mechanisms that form the foundation for institutional transformations and result in leadership positions in regional governance. Drawing on policy learning theories, the study emphasizes specific mechanisms of institutional change that are often less noticeable but can gradually lead to mobilizing diverse groups of stakeholders. Through historical and empirical data, this study shows the importance of policy learning through communication processes, Open Method of Coordination initiatives, and issue framing in creating a stronger foundation for policy coordination in European research policy since the 2000s.     

The Politics–Bureaucracy Interface in Developing Countries

The political–bureaucratic interface has been the subject of much academic interest. However, research has tended to focus exclusively on wealthy institutionalized democracies, with little attention given to the political–administrative relationship in developing countries. However, recent evidence from reform processes in poorer nations increasingly highlights the importance of interactions between politicians and bureaucrats. This paper provides a systematic overview of the political–bureaucratic relationship in developing countries and in doing so makes two key contributions. First, it introduces a typology of political–bureaucratic relations based on four models—collaborative, collusive, intrusive, and integrated—discussing examples of each. Second, it analyses the main factors associated with different models of political–bureaucratic relations and considers how countries can move from one model of relations to another. The paper provides a much‐needed entry point for scholars and policymakers to better understanding the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats in developing countries. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Advocacy Coalitions in Ontario Land Use Policy Development

In 2005, the Ontario government passed the Places to Grow Act and the Greenbelt Act, both major changes in land use policy designed to preserve greenspaces and combat urban sprawl in the Greater Golden Horseshoe, Canada's largest conurbation. This article examines the actors, actor beliefs, and inter‐actor alliances in the southern Ontario land use policy subsystem from the perspective of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). Specifically, this paper undertakes an empirical examination of the ACF's Belief Homophily Hypothesis, which holds that inter‐actor alliances form on the basis of shared policy‐relevant beliefs, creating advocacy coalitions. The analysis finds strong evidence of three advocacy coalitions in the policy subsystem—an agricultural coalition, an environmentalist coalition, and a developers' coalition—as predicted by the hypothesis. However, it also finds equally strong evidence of a cross‐coalition coordination network of peak organizations, something not predicted by the Belief Homophily Hypothesis, and in need of explanation within the ACF.     

The utility of bonding social capital

Abstract

In most studies of social capital, bridging social capital is emphasized as ‘good’ for democracy and economic performance. It is rarer to find studies showing that bonding social capital can bring positive effects. Mostly, bonding social capital is either overlooked or depicted as the ‘villain’ that leads to ethnic conflict, intolerant behaviour and poor economic and democratic development. In this article, it is argued that this picture needs to be revised. If we assume that bonding trust is a negative force for development and democracy, we ignore a substantial portion of the political history of the West. Also, new empirical evidence from India suggests that bonding social capital is related to good governance. High levels of bonding trust cannot only facilitate political cooperation. They may also work as a shield against public sector employees who attempt to exploit citizens in a corrupt or clientelistic manner. The conclusion drawn in the article is that the view of social capital as a prime mover with inherent normatively attractive qualities should give way to a perspective where social capital is more properly regarded as an intermediate variable where the way it is combined with, or interacts with, other factors determines outcomes.