全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1804篇 |
免费 | 78篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 41篇 |
工人农民 | 56篇 |
世界政治 | 63篇 |
外交国际关系 | 72篇 |
法律 | 390篇 |
中国共产党 | 54篇 |
中国政治 | 326篇 |
政治理论 | 218篇 |
综合类 | 662篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 15篇 |
2022年 | 27篇 |
2021年 | 44篇 |
2020年 | 70篇 |
2019年 | 32篇 |
2018年 | 37篇 |
2017年 | 43篇 |
2016年 | 53篇 |
2015年 | 41篇 |
2014年 | 108篇 |
2013年 | 238篇 |
2012年 | 122篇 |
2011年 | 138篇 |
2010年 | 111篇 |
2009年 | 88篇 |
2008年 | 101篇 |
2007年 | 124篇 |
2006年 | 131篇 |
2005年 | 88篇 |
2004年 | 68篇 |
2003年 | 76篇 |
2002年 | 61篇 |
2001年 | 32篇 |
2000年 | 11篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1882条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
181.
182.
刘洁 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2005,(3):38-41
社区矫正是与监禁矫正相对应的行刑方式。在我国实施的社区矫正工作,有一大部分是针对青少年犯罪的。现阶段未成年犯社区矫正的意义主要有:一、符合未成年人身心特征;二、有效地克服了监禁刑罚的弊端;三、有利于同世界发达国家的刑罚模式接轨。 相似文献
183.
李媛 《天津市政法管理干部学院学报》2006,22(3):46-49
我国的《消费者权益保护法》实施以来,已成为广大消费者用以保护自身合法权益的有力武器。但随着市场经济的发展,它自身也显示出了一些不适应性。文章从其对消费者概念界定模糊不清这一突出问题出发,总结现今我国关于消费者界定的立法现状,进而提出笔者的有关立法建议,即将消费者在法律上采用排除法界定为“除生产消费以外,购买、使用商品或接受服务的人。” 相似文献
184.
This paper explores the clinical, social and demographic characteristics of 164 people on Community Treatment Orders (CTOs) in one area mental health service in Victoria, Australia. The results of an exploratory cluster analysis are presented to address the question of whether people on Community Treatment Orders can be categorised into statistically reliable, qualitatively distinct groupings. The data are presented in the context of key stakeholder perspectives on the current use and purpose of CTOs. Three stable clusters emerged and each potentially reflects how social dimensions, as well as clinical issues, influence decision making regarding the implementation of CTOs. These findings are important in the context of policy and practice in Victoria, where the use of CTOs is common practice, and orders are generally made for a 12 month period. The potential for improved targeting of CTOs and more specific treatment planning is identified. 相似文献
185.
后单位制时期街区集体抗争的产生及其逻辑——对一次街区集体抗争事件的实证分析 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
现有研究认为,虽然在单位制时期的街区经常看到的是强势的国家和原子化的居民,但自20世纪90年代中期以来,城市基层社会中一个突出现象就是维权性集体抗争的兴起.以发生J市的一次"垃圾压缩站"事件为例,对以上问题进行了讨论.并指出,后单位制时期街区集体抗争包括如下三个层面的逻辑一是通过媒体声援将特定的地方性问题变成公共话语;二是运用说服性沟通策略使抗争行动合法化;三是建构共识性危机使潜在动员者变成实际参与者.最后将街区集体抗争与乡村集体抗争作了简略比较. 相似文献
186.
Donald?Braman Dan?M.?KahanEmail author James?Grimmelmann 《Social Justice Research》2005,18(3):283-304
Can empirical data generate consensus about how to regulate firearms? If so, under what conditions? Previously, we presented evidence that individuals' cultural worldviews explain their positions on gun control more powerfully than any other fact about them, including their race or gender, the type of community or region of the country they live in, and even their political ideology or party affiliation. On this basis, we inferred that culture is prior to facts in the gun debate: empirical data can be expected to persaude individuals to change their view on gun policies only after those individuals come to see those policies as compatible with their core cultural commitments. We now respond to critics. Canvassing the psychological literature, we identify the mechanisms that systematically induce individuals to conform their factual beliefs about guns to their culturally grounded moral evaluations of them. To illustrate the strength and practical implications of these dynamics, we develop a series of computer simulations, which show why public beliefs about the efficacy of gun control can be expected to remain highly polarized even in the face of compelling empirical evidence. Finally, we show that the contribution culture makes to cognition could potentially be harnessed to generate broad, cross-cultural consensus: if gun policies can be framed in terms that are expressively compatible with diverse cultural worldviews, the motivation to resist compelling empirical evidence will dissipate, and individuals of diverse cultural persuasions can be expected rapidly to converge in their beliefs about what policies are best. Constructing a new, expressively pluralistic idiom of gun control should therefore be the first priority of policy-makers and -analysts interested in promoting the adoption of sound gun policies. 相似文献
187.
Byron Kemp Melanie Randle Anna Hurlimann Sara Dolnicar 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2012,12(4):337-346
Without improved water resource management, it is predicted that water shortages will affect two‐thirds of humanity by 2025. One solution that has traditionally faced fierce public resistance is recycled waste water. This study investigates the extent to which public communication strategies can influence community acceptance of recycled water, using the framework of Inoculation Theory. A four‐phase experimental design was conducted. Participants completed an initial questionnaire and were then randomly assigned to a control group, a manipulation check group or a treatment group. A final follow‐up survey measured changes in the dependent variable: stated likelihood of using recycled water for different uses. Results indicate that communication strategies based on Inoculation Theory are limited in their effectiveness for this product category. Findings do, however, identify a clear recency effect, indicating that continuous public communications are key to ensuring that community scare campaigns do not prevent implementation of water augmentation projects. This study differs from previous applications of Inoculation Theory because of the challenges associated with marketing a monopoly commodity, which is a necessity to support life. This empirical study uses fictional marketing stimuli to test the theory in a context, which is growing in global importance. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
188.
The concept of community standards is the cornerstone of advertising self‐regulation in Australia. However, there is a dearth of research on current attitudes towards advertising and a virtual absence of such data in an Australian context. A questionnaire was developed to assess consumer attitudes towards advertising; respondents were 872 adults residing in New South Wales. We found high levels of concern regarding advertising standards in general and a consistent perception that advertising should not, for example, use coarse language or violent images, portray women or men as sex objects or show nudity, stereotype or make fun of groups of people, or convey messages that undermine parental authority. In relation to specific appeals and executional elements, although we identified numerous statistically significant demographic differences, there was a clear majority view as to what elements are unacceptable. That is, rather than the posited vocal ‘moral minority’, there is a consistency of views across the community on key issues of advertising standards. The finding that only a very small proportion of community‐based respondents knew how to make a complaint to the correct organisation suggests that studies utilising complainant samples are unlikely to be representative of those who are concerned about advertising. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
189.
随着我国城市化进程的推进,大量人口涌入城市造成了城市资源紧张,各种矛盾突出,犯罪发生率居高不下,而传统的单纯依靠国家警察力量打击犯罪的一元化城市犯罪防控模式面对新的犯罪形势已捉襟现肘,也不能满足被犯罪侵害破坏的社会秩序恢复的基本要求。对此,文章在引入介绍国外恢复性司法理念的基础之上,发现恢复性司法理念对于我国城市犯罪防控的启示,进而提出构建基于社区的城市犯罪防控的若干具体设想。 相似文献
190.
无 《北京青年政治学院学报》2012,21(1):57-64
改革开放之后,随着大量新社会组织和经济组织的出现、城市居民结构的多样化和新社会阶层的出现,统一战线工作的领域和对象都发生了巨大变化。在新的历史发展阶段,统一战线服务社会建设是一个巨大新型工作空间,需要在以往工作平台的基础上,积极研究社会领域变化,实现模式创新,延伸工作手臂,推进项目化运作机制,实现与枢纽型社会组织的共建发展,构建更为广大的统一战线工作大格局。 相似文献