SCM协议中财税措施地区专向性特别规定初探——兼评美国对华反补贴调查的相关案例及我国的对策

SCM协议地区专向性标准条款中的财税措施特别规定具有经济合理性,并符合WTO的政治考虑。该特别规定认定“有资格”的地方各级政府所采取的“确定或者改变”在其辖区内“普遍适用”税率的补贴措施不具有SCM协议意义上的专向性。我国应充分利用该特别规定提供的政策空间,深化税制改革,协调地方政府地区补贴与SCM协议之间的关系。     

Why George W. Bush Is a Unilateralist and How It Will Affect the 2004 Presidential Election

ABSTRACT

U.S. President George W. Bush has had a stormy relationship with Europe. Bush campaigned on a theme of putting America's interests first and eschewing multilateralism when necessary. Since taking office, Bush has been true to his campaign pledges. Bush's style and substance have caused many in Europe to regard him as a “buffoon” at best and a dangerous cowboy at worst. What the Europeans do not seem to understand is that, for better or worse, George W. Bush's view of the world is held by a substantial portion of the American people, and even when the U.S. had a more Euro-friendly leader in President Bill Clinton, America's policies were often at odds with those preferred by its allies in Europe. This is due to a fundamental difference that has developed between Europe and the United States over the last century. Today, no matter who occupies the White House, American foreign policy is likely to be in conflict with Europe's. Far from being a liability, this difference is likely to be a political asset to George W. Bush in the 2004 presidential election.     

Focus Group Follies?

Abstract

Media coverage of the contemporary British Labour party routinely suggests party leaders, notably Tony Blair, have been overly reliant on using focus group as a means of obtaining voter feedback. The paper explores this popular understanding by considering how and when qualitative forms of opinion research began to play a significant role in developing campaign strategy. Following their incorporation into party planning during the mid-1980s, focus groups provided an increasingly influential (and at the time more discreet) source of data and support for the leadership's Policy Review later that decade. Following the 1992 election defeat selective findings from the party's qualitative research programme became integral to the public relations' initiatives of Labour's self-styled “modernisers,” particularly in their largely successful attempt to delegitimise and then marginalise the role of the party's once formidable affiliated union supporters in internal affairs. Crucially this contributed to a climate that enabled the key moderniser Tony Blair to emerge and win the leadership.     

海洋刑法学的提出与国际海上犯罪的立法规制

随着人类社会对海洋资源的开发与利用,涉海领域的犯罪将愈演愈烈,直接危及作为海洋大国的中国的经济健康发展,加之我国刑事立法与刑事法学的严重滞后,迫切需要加强海洋刑法学的研究;海洋刑法学的研究对象是国际海上犯罪,其重点在于"国际"、"海上"犯罪,较之一般犯罪在法律适用、行为方式、行为时空等方面存在明显区隔;对于国际条约中所涉及的国际海上犯罪在国内的适用应采取转化的操作模式,可考虑在刑法典中独立设置章节对其进行规定。     

Crisis leadership and non‐communication: Marcos of the philippines

For all of their centralized power and undisputed authority, even crisis leaders are susceptible to breakdowns in political communication. This is particularly significant when martial rule or a state of emergency—most effective when of short duration— becomes open‐ended; the sense of urgency no longer prevails.

In the initial stage of proclaiming a constitutional emergency it is perhaps easiest to create an atmosphere of crisis and to promote a collective sense of danger. A climate of national fear and insecurity, in turn, enables the constitutional dictator to mobilize broad support even for draconian measures imposed at the expense of individual freedoms. With the prolongation of the emergency, however, and the institutionalization of crisis government, certain immunities to authoritarianism do begin to surface. As suggested by periods of prolonged emergency rule in India and South Korea, the leader becomes remote and isolated; he or she no longer feels quite so compelled to communicate; domestic opposition increases.

The experience of President Marcos and the Philippines since 1972 illustrates some of the political dynamics of the modern, permanent “emergency state.” What has happened to the New Society program of reforms should help in understanding the critical link of communication between leaders and their followers under conditions of either real or manipulative domestic political stress.     

高职教育法律课程的探索与创新

我国高职教育已经占据了高等教育的半壁河山,高等教育已经大众化,同时高职教育结构体系逐渐完善.但作为高职教育之一的法律高职教育在发展过程中还有一些不尽如人意的地方.通过对高职教育法律课程设置目的的分析,就高职教育法律课程内容、方式的创新进行探讨.     

探究民营银行发展之路

民营银行之争由来已久。中国的银行业不缺数量,缺的是结构,缺草根金融。该文回顾了民营银行艰难的探索历程,指出应科学界定民营银行经营范围和服务对象,消除制度障碍和现实阻碍,秉承先试点,后推广,循序渐进的发展思路,不断完善顶层设计,提升自身实力,让民营银行逐渐成长为金融体系中一支审要的力量。     

Setting the Post War Australian Policy Agenda – Causes and Content

What are the origins of policy agendas and what determines agenda setting? The one robust theory in the literature associates different agendas with different moments in the evolution of the broader party system namely mass, catch‐all and most recently cartel patterns. This article explores Australian evidence for this thesis. It also argues the cartel moment has recently mutated. Agenda setting is now circumscribed by a mismatch between the needs of policy making and the political incentive structure. The media have become primary tissue connecting political elites to their publics. But this traps the system in short term, primarily populist stances. Systemic capacities to mediate agenda setting have thus been corrupted.     

现代犯罪观:自然权利背后的优势补偿

社会化和犯罪化是抑制乃至剥夺个人自然权利的过程,要使惩罚犯罪具有合理性,必须使个人的自然权利兑换成社会权利;只有社会权利能够给个人带来较自然权利更多的利益,改变个人的生存结构,令其从自然状态过渡到社会框架下才具有合理性。在惩罚犯罪时,必须考虑犯罪乃个人自然权利体现的基本事实;而量定责任时,也需考虑自然权利兑换社会权利不能的情形,适度对自然权利所代表的竞争优势给予补偿。     

关于社会工作专业教育中课程设置模式的思考

社会工作专业教育的课程设置应以技术性课程设置为逻辑框架，在具体的课程设置环节上增加实用性模式和批判性模式的基本要素，形成融各种模式之长的社会工作教育反思性课程设置模式。作者在文中还通过对某高校社会工作专业课程设置案例的分析，对反思性课程设置模式提出实施的可能方向。