高职高专院校英语专业课程设置的若干问题探讨

课程设置是实现教学目标的重要手段，高职高专院校英语专业的培养目标要具备自己的特色，应着力于培养“应用型专业人才”。构建合理的三级教学与实践平台是科学设置课程的一个重要理念。随着课程设置与教学改革的深入，考试系统也应该引进新的理念。     

媒介议程设置功能的心理学观点

由记者和编辑画的认知地图和李普曼认为受众头脑中的图像两者之间是否存在着一一对应关系,值得我们探讨。如果这个关系存在,我们就有理由认为,媒介确实能够影响我们头脑中的形象。就像科恩讲的那样,媒介确实能够影响人们在想些什么。按照阿托尼.梅耶的三个现实的划分,实际上我们是在寻找通过内容分析法获得的符号真实与通过“认知树”法获得的主观真实两者之间的对应关系。     

When Do Low Roll Rates Indicate Party Influence? Evidence from Counterfactual Roll Rates

A simulation-based counterfactual is one way to solve the observational equivalence challenge that seemingly “partisan” majority-party roll rates can be observed in the absence of any actual party influence. We simulate no-partisan-agenda-control counterfactual roll rates and apply them across sessions of the US House of Representatives and 86 state legislative chambers to evaluate the extent to which observed roll rates provide evidence for party influence on the legislative agenda. After assessing and controlling for the baseline risk of majority-party rolls, there is significant evidence of party influence on roll rates in some state legislatures, particularly those with rules that grant parties more agenda power, and in the post-Reed’s-rules House of Representatives. Institutional rules interact with the (simulated) risk of a majority roll to shape observed roll rates across chambers and across time.     

Agenda control in EU referendum campaigns: The power of the anti‐EU side

European Union (EU) referendums provide unique opportunities to study voters’ attitudes toward a distant level of governance. Scholars have long tried to understand whether EU referendum results reflect domestic (dis‐)satisfaction with the incumbent governments or actual attitudes toward the Union. Finding evidence supporting both domestic and European factors, the recent focus has thus turned to referendum campaigns. Recent studies emphasise the importance of the information provided to voters during these campaigns in order to analyse how domestic or European issues become salient in the minds of voters. These studies nonetheless overlook the asymmetrical political advantage in such campaigns. The broader literature on referendums and public opinion suggest that in a referendum, the ‘No’ side typically has the advantage since it can boost the public's fears by linking the proposal to unpopular issues. This article explores whether this dynamic applies to EU treaty ratification referendums. Does the anti‐EU treaty campaign have more advantage than the pro‐EU treaty campaign in these referendums? Campaign strategies in 11 EU treaty ratification referendums are analysed, providing a clear juxtaposition between pro‐treaty (‘Yes’) and anti‐treaty (‘No’) campaigns. Based on 140 interviews with campaigners in 11 referendums, a series of indicators on political setting and campaign characteristics, as well as an in‐depth case study of the 2012 Irish Fiscal Compact referendum, it is found that the anti‐treaty side indeed holds the advantage if it engages the debate. Nonetheless, the findings also show that this advantage is not unconditional. The underlying mechanism rests on the multidimensionality of the issue. The extent to which the referendum debate includes a large variety of ‘No’ campaign arguments correlates strongly with the campaigners’ perceived advantage/disadvantage, and the referendum results. When the ‘No’ side's arguments are limited (either through a single‐issue treaty or guarantees from the EU), this provides the ‘Yes’ side with a ‘cleaner’ agenda with which to work. Importantly, the detailed data demonstrate that the availability of arguments is important for the ‘Yes’ side as well. They tend to have the most advantage when they can tap into the economic costs of an anti‐EU vote. This analysis has implications for other kinds of EU referendums such as Brexit, non‐EU referendums such as independence referendums, and the future of European integration.     

Policy Advocacy in Transitioning Regimes: Comparative Lessons from the Case of Harbour Protection in Hong Kong

Current research on policy advocacy relies exclusively on established regimes where instability is largely contained. Using the harbour protection advocacy in Hong Kong as an exploratory case, the article documents how conservationists exploited the unique opportunities arising from the transfer of sovereignty to advance heritage protection policy. Three new strategic choices in policy advocacy are identified. First, policy advocates strategically switched between issue frames instead of becoming strongly identified with any issue frame. Second, they avoided prolonged involvement by pursuing modest, programme-level adjustments. Third, they circumvented the restrictions on scope and focus by creating new venues outside of the policy subsystem.     

医疗侵权损害赔偿的限制规则

因医疗侵权行为引起的损害赔偿问题,司法解释采取了以是否构成医疗事故为依据适用不同法律法规的制度,引起较大争议。作为一种侵权行为,医疗侵权造成患者损害的,应以全部赔偿为原则,辅之以过失相抵规则和衡平原则。对患者因医疗行为带来的损害,医疗机构原则上应全部予以赔偿;由于患者本身的原因与医疗过错共同作用造成损失的发生和扩大的,应适用过失相抵规则,适当减轻甚至免除医疗机构的赔偿责任;在精神损害赔偿方面,还应当考虑医疗机构的过错程度和偿付能力等因素,适用衡平原则。     

转变政府作风应解决的几个突出问题

转变政府作风 ,需要解决几个突出问题 :一是规范权力运行 ,解决权力设定不合理问题 ;二是矫正从政理念 ,解决政府自利行为问题 ;三是加强依法行政 ,解决法制化程度不高问题 ;四是政风建设与党风建设结合 ,解决权力监督问题 ;五是求真务实 ,真抓实干 ,解决作风不实问题。     

试探毛泽东确立井冈山根据地的经过

论文围绕毛泽东"上山"思想的形成和毛泽东以井冈山为根据地的思想形成,叙写了毛泽东确立井冈山革命根据地的经过.     

反垄断效率抗辩适用模式及不确定性克服

反垄断法上的效率抗辩,是指经营者通过证明集中的效率效果足以抵消或超过反竞争效果而取得反垄断法豁免。在效率抗辩的适用上,世界范围内存在抵消分析、一体分析和混合分析三种模式。基于我国国情和《反垄断法》的相关规定,我国更宜采用混合分析模式。在此基础上,还需要借助相应措施克服效率抗辩本身的不确定性,提高制度运用的可能性。