论我国竞争法视野下的商业秘密

商业秘密是一种重要且个性化特征较为突出的知识产权,商业秘密与竞争法之间既有一致的一面又有冲突的一面。商业秘密的竞争法调整至少包括商业秘密的反不正当竞争法保护和商业秘密滥用行为的反垄断法规制两个层面,目前人们较为关注前者。在继续加强商业秘密保护的同时应注重把握好合理与适度,同时借鉴国外的相关经验,构建我国商业秘密滥用行为的反垄断法规制制度。     

试论优势产业群培育与地域经济发展

产业群具有产业集聚、资源整合等特点,因此,被认为是拉动地方经济发展的一剂良方。本文围绕地域产业群的选择、培育等内容,结合地域经济发展的规律与特点,对地方构建优势产业群提出建议。     

Against agency: a positional critique

Abstract

This paper uses the changing historical and theoretical frames within which management pay and investor claims are considered to provide a critique of the functionalist approach of agency and to develop an alternative, positional explanation of rewards. The first part of the paper draws on the contrast between the pre-1940 critique of the rentier and the post-1980 discursive construction of the shareholder to raise important contemporary questions about position and reward. The second part develops the idea of positional rewards to challenge agency assumptions by arguing that both giant firm managers and the less visible, though larger, group of intermediaries use their position to skim value. In contrast, the experience of position is more mixed for shareholders, who are generally passive value surfers. The final section of the paper argues that a renewed emphasis on position will enable a problem shift from value creation to value capture.     

区域贸易协定“竞争性自由化”辨析

在WTO多哈回合持续停滞的现状下,RTAs(区域贸易协定)"竞争性自由化"态势持续升温。但由于制度成本的存在、主导国家力量的局限以及各国利益的殊异,各个RTA之间的融合相当困难,从而"竞争性自由化"无法最终实现全球贸易自由化,而且还存在南北国家利益不对称的明显弊端。为避免国际贸易格局的过度破碎化,各国一方面应推动RTA原产地规则的功能性整合,并促进各个RTA之间以及WTO与RTAs之间的经贸政策对话,另一方面仍应努力推动WTO多边自由化进程,促进多边化与区域化协调发展。     

关于完善竞价排名制度之研究

竞价排名是一种搜索引擎商业化产物。我国法律对其没有相应的定性与规范,这导致搜索引擎商在竞价排名活动中利用法律漏洞滥用技术优势地位,恣意侵害网络用户权利,严重扰乱网络信息秩序,直接或者间接成为民事侵权的始作俑者和帮凶,竞价排名所引发的民事侵权行为有点击欺诈、强迫消费、帮助侵权,对此必须明确竞价排名的性质,从技术及法律上杜绝由于不规范使用竞价排名规则所产生的侵权行为。     

Imperial governance,sovereignty and the management of chronic instability in Africa

An important political consequence of the crisis of capital in the 1970s has been an increasing intensification of informal imperialism within Africa. This paper argues that the advanced capitalist countries again confronted the endemic problem of overcapacity alongside a decline in the rate of profit and that the major neoliberal reforms foisted upon the African continent were part of the spatio-temporal fix that followed. The quotidian management of many African states was not an intended consequence of structural adjustment, but the subsequent perturbations that beset many developing countries after following such policies has led to such a degree of institutional instability that a new form of imperial governance has come into being. Juridical sovereignty has been maintained, but political sovereignty has been severely compromised through the emergence of this neo-imperial governance. Today an array of external actors is embedded in the sinews of these states, setting the general parameters of state policy to such an extent that one can no longer speak of these countries as possessing de facto independence. The rise of these so-called ‘governance states’ and the new emphasis on ‘governance with government’ constitute a new non-territorial, political form of imperialism.     

Turkey’s Judiciary and the Drift Toward Competitive Authoritarianism

Turkey has always been considered an “illiberal democracy”, or in Freedom House’s terms, a “partly-free” country. In recent years, however, there has been a downward trend toward “competitive authoritarianism”. Such regimes are competitive in that opposition parties use democratic institutions to contest seriously for power, but they are not democratic because the playing field is heavily skewed in favour of incumbents. One of the methods employed by competitive authoritarian leaders is the use of informal mechanisms of repression. This, in turn, requires a dependent and cooperative judiciary. Thus, in Turkey the year 2014 can be described as a period when the governing AKP (Justice and Development Party) made a sustained and systematic effort to establish its control over the judiciary by means of a series of laws of dubious constitutionality.     

Leading or Following?

Abstract

While research exists on how political parties use political marketing instruments, there is a lack of emphasis on strategic marketing, especially with regard to theoretical frameworks of political marketing orientation. This can be seen as problematic in the development of political marketing research as a subdiscipline of marketing and political science. A concept is suggested that defines a party's orientation towards political marketing management using two crucial elements of strategic marketing theory regarding customer orientation: leading and following. Three generic types of political parties are characterised by their strategic postures using their stance on these two elements. The implications of strategic postures for the fulfilment of certain political marketing functions and organisational issues are briefly discussed. While traditional parties with a rigid content-based approach towards policy-making can be characterised as Convinced Ideologists, contemporary catch-all parties have moved towards being Tactical Populists.

Whilst both these postures are prone to being perceived as dogmatic or untrustworthy and fickle, a third posture, that of Relationship Builder, is proposed. This integrates leading and following, by using a relational approach towards marketing, as suggested in the evolving literature on strategic marketing and marketing orientation. This Relationship Builder stance constitutes a theoretical posture that needs to be clarified by empirical research in the political arena. Thus, to foster further empirical and theoretical research, several propositions have been derived in a process that is in line with the demands of theory-building and hypothesis-driven exploration as suggested for this comparatively new discipline of political marketing.     

“竞争化”到“竞争中立化”:市场导向标准的困境及协调路径

市场导向条件经历了从美欧到西方世界小范围达成共识的过程,竞争是演进中的核心要素,竞争与贸易领域的天然联系是市场导向条件"竞争化"的原因。市场导向标准竞争中立化诠释了竞争中立从竞争领域向区域贸易规则渗透、再向多边贸易体制扩张的过程。区域自贸协定中的竞争中立以约束政府的方式规制国有企业,未能充分虑及经贸实际,使区域化协调国有企业规则的尝试面临重重困境。对多边补贴规则的修改是市场导向标准竞争中立化的新动态,恐将放大实践中矛盾与逻辑上的不自洽。WTO危机反映了规则静态与利益动态的冲突,以恪守多边主义为前提,采竞争与贸易"双轨"并行之策,在国际、国内层面协调国有企业规则,将有助于化解市场的导向分歧。     

中国环渤海经济圈产业竞争力要素分析

区域经济的发展水平决定于区域产业竞争力。环渤海经济圈的产业竞争力取决于四个要素:基础条件竞争力、竞争实力、竞争潜力和环境竞争力,具体体现这些要素的是区域资源优势、经济发展水平、大企业数量与规模、销售状况以及跨国公司的投资规模,还有主导产业及产业集群等。要提高环渤海经济圈产业竞争力,需要加强区域产业联系以促进区域经济一体化;保持区域产业竞争优势持续力;提供培养区域产业竞争力的政策。