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Nives Dolak 《政策研究评论》2009,26(5):551-570
Why would countries invest resources to protect the global atmosphere, a global common‐pool resource? After all, this is an open‐access resource with no restrictions on appropriating its benefits. Furthermore, why would they do so under the aegis of a weak global regime (the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, UNFCCC) that has virtually no provisions for sanctioning noncompliance and when the largest contributor to the problem is not participating in the regime? This article examines why a number of countries have implemented the UNFCCC. I hypothesize that countries implement UNFCCC because they corner domestic environmental benefits, namely reduction in local pollution. In my empirical analysis of 127 countries, employing an ordinal logistic regression model, I find that local air pollution is associated with higher levels of implementation of the UNFCCC. Thus, I conclude that the incentives to implement a relatively weak global regime can be found in the domestic political economy. 相似文献
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Juliann Emmons Allison 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2005,5(4):405-414
Deregulation and the combined threats of energy crises and global warming concern nations around the world, yet these issues
continue to be addressed more directly by domestic regulatory systems than by international institutions. The present analyses
of the integration of distributed sources of power generation (DG) into California’s electric utility system suggests that
domestic environmental dilemmas with international repercussions provide an obvious entrée for global environmental policy
specialists into the practice of environmental policy-making and law. Here I review current scholarship on policy networks
that illuminates the contributions that technical and policy experts can make to such networks surrounding environmental issues.
I then introduce the key members of California’s “clean DG” policy network that emphasizes the role of academic experts in
this influential political system, and discuss how my own research has impacted the development of the state’s DG policy.
I conclude that scholars are well positioned to observe and engage domestic and international environmental policy networks,
and thereby also to influence environmental politics and law. 相似文献
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我国现已加入<华沙公约>、<海牙议定书>以及<蒙特利尔公约>三大国际航空公约,并且对港澳台地区适用上述公约作出了特殊声明.<蒙特利尔公约>是对<华沙公约>体系下的航空法律制度的大变革.大陆地区与港澳台地区间的航空运输的性质决定了其法律适用的范围.因而,确定两岸三地间航空运输的法律性质就显得尤为重要. 相似文献
6.
董红云 《长沙民政职业技术学院学报》2006,13(3):89-91
本方案充分利用发电机余热来达到空调节能的目的,实现能源梯级利用。可大幅度节省运行费用,均衡能源结构,削减夏季电力峰值,填补夏季燃气谷值,减少公用事业投资,属合理用能环保设备,被能源专家大力提倡。 相似文献
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Ken Wilkening 《政策研究评论》2011,28(2):125-148
Dimitrov et al. argue that nonregimes are a worthy object of research attention that can contribute to international regime theory. Case studies, however, are still sparse. In this article, I examine Arctic haze, an issue area where a transnational environmental problem existed but no regime formed. Arctic haze was (re‐)discovered in 1971 but by 2000, the window of opportunity to form a regime had closed. What factors explain why an Arctic haze regime was not formed between 1971 and 2000? I claim science‐based factors play the dominant role. An analytical approach applicable to the science‐policy interface was employed. Using this approach, I conclude that the Arctic haze nonregime is best explained by the absence of scientifically documented and compelling transboundary consequences to ecosystems and humans. This is a product of the unique nature of the Arctic atmosphere. 相似文献
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Chang Kyung-Sup 《Economy and Society》2013,42(1):30-55
According to conventional economic indicators, since late 1997 history has been reversed for South Koreans since late 1997. Their current financial crisis, which would have led to a moratorium without the emergency bail-out packae from teh International Monetary Fund, seems to require not only economic austerity for business firms and citizen but also a total devaluation of their developmental ‘micacle’ in the latter half of the twentieth century. South Koreans' dilemma, if evaluated from a broad historical and theoretical perspective on their compresed modernity, is that the vary mechanisms which made their explosive economic growth possible tend to create various hazardous consequences in social, political, cultural as well as economic life. Patriarchal political authoritarianism chaebol's despotic and monopolistic business practice, abuse and exclusion of labour, neglect of basic welfare rights, ubiquitous physical dangers, and ideological self-nagation are particularly serious examples of such hazards of the uniquely South Korean modernity. 相似文献
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Billie H. Vincent 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(6):397-439
Abstract The author asserts that a sophisticated sabotage threat to U.S. international civil aviation has been well known to the U.S. government and air carriers since the early 1980s. He believes that both the U.S. government and air carriers have failed to do enough to counter this sabotage threat. He cites the findings of the President's Commission on Aviation Security and Terrorism (May 1990), and the enactment of the Aviation Security Improvement Act (Nov. 1990) to support his beliefs. The author concludes by providing a recipe for corrective action. 相似文献
10.
商品房地下室权属法律问题研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
贾磊 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2009,24(4):107-110
在人们住房空间极其紧张的情况下,《物权法》未对与商品房业主福祉关系密切的商品房地下室所有权做出明确判定,而人们对于物权的概念也存在一些误解,围绕其产生的许多纠纷也不断见诸报端。对商品房地下室中规划属于人防工程部分,一般认为属于国有,事实上,人防资产并不等同于国防资产,承认其非国有性并不影响其人防使用功能,简单地将其归为国有,不可避免地将置《人民防空国有资产管理规定》于违背宪法和立法法的尴尬境地,应根据谁投资,谁受益的原则确认其权利归属。其他部分地下室,依据地下室建设成本是否纳入销售价格,将其作为地下室权属判断标准,是使用经济学的观点来代替法律的推理,而将商品房地下室一概纳入商品房面积公摊范围是没有根据的,但对于已经纳入面积公摊范围的,应确认其业主共有权。 相似文献