略论宪法财产权与民法财产权

财产权是我国公民基本权利之一,宪法和民法对财产权均做出了规定,但宪法权利与民法权利的侧重点不同,也使宪法财产权与民法财产权表现出既有差异又相互统一的特征。本文对二者进行了分析比较,并分析了两种法律规定的适用问题。     

Inter-parliamentary relations in the United Kingdom: devolution’s undiscovered country?

Since 1997, the United Kingdom’s territorial constitution has undergone an immense process of change and has resulted in the establishment of separate legislatures and governments for the peoples of Scotland, Wales and, when Stormont is operational, Northern Ireland. These changes have spawned a whole series of relationships between the institutions of the devolved UK, at executive, legislature and civil service levels. However, while intergovernmental relations has been the subject of repeated debate, there has been little attempt to document and examine the way in which the UK’s four legislatures interact with one another, post-devolution. To the extent that these interactions, otherwise known as inter-parliamentary relations (IPR), have been the subject of scrutiny, it has been largely to bemoan their modest state and/or to suggest that stronger, albeit occasionally rather unelaborated, mechanisms be established. This article seeks to correct this deficit and provide a first step towards a clearer understanding of IPR in the UK, post-devolution. The article breaks the different levels of IPR down into three main strands: (1) parliament-parliament, (2) committee-committee and (3) official-official, and suggests that the main interactions that take place at each of these levels. Following this audit, the article concludes by highlighting the role that shared policy competence (a field that is set to grow with the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union) has played in driving IPR in the UK, post-devolution, and suggests some steps that may be taken to enhance IPR in the future.     

监听制度立法研究

监听的广泛应用极大地增强了打击和控制犯罪的力度。监听既侵害公民基本权,又从根本上保障公民基本权的实现。世界各国大都通过立法对监听进行必要的限制,我国在这方面仍处于空白,亟待建立符合现代法治需要的监听制度。     

关于我国宪政意识缺位及建构问题的思考

由于商品经济的薄弱与自然经济的发达、我国传统文化对宪政核心价值的偏离以及宪法的实际运行情况等经济、文化和现实的原因,导致了我国宪政意识的缺位。为了培育公民的宪政意识,必须大力发展社会主义市场经济,加强社会主义民主政治建设,保证司法的独立性和公正性,保障宪法实施,建立健全我国的违宪审查机制,从而构建宪政意识的经济基础、政治基础、司法基础和制度基础。     

是限制特权,还是保护特权?--评婚姻法修正案第33条的实质影响

婚姻法传统中旨在维持军婚的特权体制,在此次修订中被加以了限制,但这较之过去并没有实质改变军人的特权地位.解决问题的关键不是对法条的修补或解释,而是将争议诉诸宪法审查.     

浅析宪法司法化的含义与现状

早在80年代,理论界就曾讨论宪法司法化问题.宪法司法化的障碍源于最高人民法院1955年和1986年做出的在法院判决中不准引用宪法的两个批复.最近,最高人民法院在"冒名上学"案中做出了关于法院判决中可以引用宪法的相反批复,从而使宪法司法化问题再度引起理论界的关注.本文拟就宪法司法化的含义、现状和难题作一剖析.     

Constitutional reform and new patterns of electoral violence: evidence from Kenya’s 2013 elections

In places prone to electoral violence, what effects can constitutional changes have on elites’ incentives to organise conflict? This article develops two hypotheses to address the above question. It proposes that in places where national reforms find sub-national resonance, national and local politicians’ incentives regarding the electoral utility of conflict will align. However, in places where national-level changes fail to be locally relevant, these incentives will deviate from one another. The research illustrates these logics through a controlled comparison of two Kenyan counties: one that experienced electoral violence and the other that maintained peace around the 2013 elections.     

Statehood without an army: the question of the Kosovo Armed Force

ABSTRACT

Almost a decade after its declaration of independence, Kosovo continues to depend on NATO’s Kosovo Force (KFOR) for its protection. This article explores why Kosovo has not developed its own armed forces and how it could complete the process of security institution building through the establishment of a Kosovo Armed Force (KAF) in the future. Conceptually, the article highlights the role of different agents with diverging positions on the development of a KAF and the unfolding politicization of the issue, under conditions of legal uncertainty. The empirical analysis traces the stalemate regarding the creation of a KAF to legal restraints and the diverging positions of different parties on the issue. More specifically, the government’s inability to balance between the high expectations of Kosovo Albanians and the adamant objections of Kosovo Serbs has exacerbated the politicization of the debate.     

Participatory constitution-making and why it matters: A review of the Egyptian experience

This article considers the making of Egypt's post-Mubarak constitution after considering the fact that participatory constitution-making is accepted as a democratic norm allowing citizens to be involved in the creation of their constitution and their future. The author argues that the process by which a constitution is made is crucial for the framing and legitimising of that constitution. Therefore, political elites and state institutions should not wholly control the process. The views of two schools of thought – idealism and realism – are considered. These views, together with the influence of the state and the concept of participation of the citizenry in the constitution-making process, are measured against international law requirements and further applied in a critical evaluation of Egypt's constitution-making process from 2011 to 2014.