全文获取类型
收费全文 | 628篇 |
免费 | 31篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 30篇 |
工人农民 | 8篇 |
世界政治 | 5篇 |
外交国际关系 | 13篇 |
法律 | 322篇 |
中国共产党 | 8篇 |
中国政治 | 37篇 |
政治理论 | 56篇 |
综合类 | 180篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 15篇 |
2017年 | 15篇 |
2016年 | 5篇 |
2015年 | 8篇 |
2014年 | 17篇 |
2013年 | 49篇 |
2012年 | 47篇 |
2011年 | 48篇 |
2010年 | 37篇 |
2009年 | 51篇 |
2008年 | 52篇 |
2007年 | 63篇 |
2006年 | 60篇 |
2005年 | 50篇 |
2004年 | 59篇 |
2003年 | 26篇 |
2002年 | 16篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有659条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
91.
In this Special Section, this article reviews South Korean views on Japan's ‘peace’ Constitution and the Abe government's attempts at constitutional reform. It identifies three different understandings among South Korean academics on why Japan is escalating attempts to revise the Constitution under the Abe government. An in-depth analysis demonstrates that all three perspectives pay specific attention to Japan's constitutional reform in relation to security policy changes. However, they differ in assessing the impact of Japan's constitutional reform on South Korea as well as how South Korea should deal with such a change. A minority opinion considers Japan's ‘remilitarisation’ through constitutional revision as conducive to South Korean security interests by increasing deterrence against North Korea, whereas the dominant opinion is that any attempt to revise the Constitution could be in and of itself a potential threat to South Korea's security due to a lack of trust attributed to unresolved historical conflicts between Korea and Japan. However, all three approaches pay hardly any attention to the positive role of Japan's peace Constitution while Japan's peace Constitution might provide a regional peace model in Northeast Asia. 相似文献
92.
Yongwook Ryu 《The Pacific Review》2018,31(5):655-672
Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests. 相似文献
93.
违宪审查制度是对宪法本身乃至于宪政秩序进行维护的制度性保障机制,该制度已经在世界上大多数国家生根落户,并在维护宪政秩序方面发挥着不可替代的作用。通过对世界各国违宪审查制度进行审视和考察,可以从审查机构到审查程序两个方面,对分散式违宪审查和集中式违宪审查这两种审查模式的产生原因及实际效果进行探究分析,以期对我国违宪审查制度的建构起到参考作用。 相似文献
94.
中央与地方之间的法律关系,是宪法学上的一个基本命题,受到多方宪法主体的影响。由于宪法基础的缺失,我国央地关系的协调呈现出了较多的非理性色彩。为此,就必须透过多方宪法主体之间的博弈与互动,理解和把握央地法律关系的实质和全貌,在宪政层面上实现央地间的规范性分权,构建起制度化的公平、公正的利益博弈机制。 相似文献
95.
林喜芬 《甘肃政法学院学报》2007,(5):78-85
美国宪法性刑事诉讼法是美国联邦最高法院以宪法文本及宪政精神为理据,在特定的刑事诉讼案件的裁判过程中,经由司法判决而延伸出来的一套基本权保障与救济机制。它与宪法存在紧密关系,但又与宪法不同构,有着自身的意旨与构造。西法可鉴,研究美国宪法性刑事诉讼法对当前我国刑诉法研究的纵深发展有很大的启示。 相似文献
96.
我国私有财产权宪法保护的若干问题与完善 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
姚晓荣 《甘肃政法学院学报》2007,(5):91-94
2004年宪法修正案使私有财产权第一次在我国宪法中有了它的地位。但也存在着合法的私有财产的界定,公、私财产宪法地位是否平等,私有财产权的宪法正统地位等问题,这些问题都可以通过宪法解释加以完善。为了实施2004年宪法保护私有财产权的这一修改,建立我国违宪审查机制是当务之急。 相似文献
97.
吕兴跃 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2013,(5):22-24
依法治国是我国的基本治国方略和为之奋斗的目标。要实现依法治国,必须加强公民宪法意识培养,发展社会主义和谐社会;健全宪法机制,制约行政权力;用宪法理顺党政关系;建立宪法诉讼制度;进一步健全我国宪法监督的程序,树立宪法权威。 相似文献
98.
Matthew Woessner Kathleen H. Winters Kyle C. Kopko 《Journal of Political Science Education》2017,13(2):225-238
Undergraduate public law courses often attract students with competing expectations. Some students enroll in these courses to prepare for law school, while others enroll in the courses to gain a broader understanding of courts in the American system of government. These differing student constituencies can create a dilemma for instructors. A course designed to cater to students with a general interest in the judiciary may not afford prelaw students with an appreciation for the demands of the legal profession. Conversely, a course narrowly tailored toward prelaw students risks alienating the majority of students for whom this class may be their only look at the judiciary. As a means to promote pedagogical balance and to appeal to varied student constituencies, we profile five public law simulations in this article that engage students in active learning and promote a greater understanding of law and courts. 相似文献
99.
宪法解释对于宪法研究和宪政建设都有着重要的作用。当前的宪法解释研究,应从理论体系的研究转向制度层面的实施,在尊重宪法文本权威的前提下,在维护现有宪政体制稳定性的基础上,运用宪法解释的方法来推动中国的宪法研究和宪政建设。 相似文献
100.
项贤国 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2013,25(3):80-83
宪法视阈下的劳动权是指宪法规定的有关取得和选择工作的权利及获取劳动报酬的权利,它是一项综合性权利,由择业自由权与就业援助权为核心要素构成的一系列权利束。劳动权兼具自由权和社会权双重属性,它应受到宪法合理的限制。劳动权与公权力、私权利存在冲突,应通过比例原则与平等原则、倾斜原则与协调原则调适。宪法视阈下的劳动权具有可诉性,建立宪法主导下的法律保障体系,同时借鉴域外立法构建包括公益诉讼制度在内的司法救济和宪法救济模式,以确保劳动权的实现。 相似文献