Subjects with agency? Children’s participation in family law proceedings

Galvanised by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, many jurisdictions now recognise children’s rights to participate in decisions that affect them. While such legal rights have increased, research on family law proceedings shows how children’s views can still be undermined, ignored or not even sought in decisions about them. This article uses the academic resources of childhood studies, to consider dominant and alternative narratives of children’s participation within Scottish family law. Drawing upon reported case law and empirical research, the article concludes that children’s participation gains protection by being institutionalised but children’s participation is attenuated because it is not recognised as relational and contextual. As rationality, consistency and autonomy are privileged, the weight given to children’s views is lessened by concerns about children being manipulated or distressed. Courts and their decisions may be child-focused, centring on children’s welfare, but they are not child-inclusive, involving children in decision-making.     

Do referendum results change norm perceptions and personal opinions?

Referendums are often seen as a means to legitimize the outcome as the new norm and increase acceptance of the outcome. Do referendums actually have these effects? More precisely, do voters recognize the referendum result as the new norm? And do voters go as far as to change their own minds in accord with the referendum result? We explore these questions using a panel survey that we conducted in Ireland before and after the abortion referendum that was held on May 25, 2018. We find that, after the referendum, voters updated their norm perceptions in the direction of the referendum result. However, we find inconsistent evidence that the referendum convinced voters to change their personal opinions about abortion. The findings provide insights on the power and the limit of referendums in increasing policy agreement among voters.     

俄罗斯联邦国务委员会的起源、发展及作用——基于国家权力结构变迁视角

叶利钦执政早期,国务委员会充分发挥了协调整合行政权力的功能,使俄国家权力结构避免了宪制改革后的严重混乱失衡.1993年《俄罗斯联邦宪法》颁布后,俄罗斯的国家权力结构趋于多元化,国务委员会既无法解决中央层面的总统与立法机关的结构矛盾,又无法解决源自地方分裂主义的"央地"权力结构松散,因而归于沉寂.2000年普京开始执政后重设国务委员会.尤其在2004年"别斯兰事件"发生后,俄罗斯的国家权力结构再度集中,系统性压力激增,国务委员会的作用不断被强化,国务委员会的事务性工作人员得到扩充,工作机制和议事规则得到进一步规范.2008—2012年,国务委员会成为紧密联系"央地"的关键纽带,在一定程度上,维系了国家政治局势的稳定发展.2012年,在普京第三任期,其成功地协调了因"统一俄罗斯"党崛起而引起的联邦中央权力结构张力,缓解了央地行政层面的权力结构矛盾.2020年修宪后,国务委员会的作用向协助总统整合"全联邦"国家权力的方向转变.同时,"国务委员会"获得宪法地位,成为宪法性权力机关.     

从《治安管理处罚法》的出台管窥我国的法治进程

《治安管理处罚法》的出台是我国治安管理领域的一次重要变革,它所反映出的对公民人权的保障,对警察权力的规范和制约以及对程序法制的重视,无疑是我国法治文明的巨大进步。但是它自身立法模式的相对滞后以及一些具体内容在理论界所引起的争论,也反映出我国的法治进程还有很长的路要走。     

Forced Migration Studies: Could We Agree Just to 'Date'?

This essay questions the soundness of a scholarly shift awayfrom ‘refugee studies’ in favour of ‘forcedmigration studies’. It contends, first, that subsumingrefugee studies into the broader framework of forced migrationstudies may result in a failure to take account of the specificityof the refugee's circumstances which are defined not just bymovement to avoid the risk of harm, but by underlying socialdisfranchisement coupled with the unqualified ability of theinternational community to respond to their needs. Second, itargues that forced ‘migration’ (rather than, forexample, forced ‘migrant’) studies encourages afocus on a phenomenon rather than on the personal predicaments,needs, challenges, and rights of refugees themselves. It maythus contribute to a lack of criticality in relation to policieswhich subordinate refugee autonomy to the pursuit of more systemicconcerns. The first concern is illustrated by reference to theemergence of the ‘internally displaced persons’category, the second by reference to the determination to findand mandate ‘durable solutions’ to forced migration,including to the movement of refugees.     

我国搜查制度之重构

搜查是发现证据、查获犯罪人的必不可少的手段,但同时又会对公民的人身自由权、隐私权等诸多基本权利造成侵害,构建搜查制度应兼顾控制犯罪与保障人权、公正与效率的多元价值目标,我国搜查制度存在诸多缺陷,既不利于有效、及时地侦查犯罪,更不能较好地保障人权,应参照法治国家先进作法予以改革和完善.