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141.
The consideration set model posits that in multi-party elections voters decide in two stages. We expect that in the consideration stage, when voters select viable options, ideological proximity is a key determinant, while in the choice stage election-specific factors become particularly important. This would imply that consideration sets are rather stable and that changes in voting preferences occur mainly within ideologically coherent consideration sets. This study examines both claims by analyzing panel survey data from Sweden and the Netherlands. Consideration sets were indeed rather stable, more so than voting intentions. After one year, voters still considered the same party in 81% of cases and only 13% of respondents shifted between ideological camps. This indicates that voters changed electoral preferences primarily within the boundaries of relatively stable consideration sets and ideological camps. These findings help to understand how elections can be volatile, despite the strong impact of highly stable ideological orientations. 相似文献
142.
Adam Evans 《议会、议员及代表》2019,39(1):98-112
Since 1997, the United Kingdom’s territorial constitution has undergone an immense process of change and has resulted in the establishment of separate legislatures and governments for the peoples of Scotland, Wales and, when Stormont is operational, Northern Ireland. These changes have spawned a whole series of relationships between the institutions of the devolved UK, at executive, legislature and civil service levels. However, while intergovernmental relations has been the subject of repeated debate, there has been little attempt to document and examine the way in which the UK’s four legislatures interact with one another, post-devolution. To the extent that these interactions, otherwise known as inter-parliamentary relations (IPR), have been the subject of scrutiny, it has been largely to bemoan their modest state and/or to suggest that stronger, albeit occasionally rather unelaborated, mechanisms be established. This article seeks to correct this deficit and provide a first step towards a clearer understanding of IPR in the UK, post-devolution. The article breaks the different levels of IPR down into three main strands: (1) parliament-parliament, (2) committee-committee and (3) official-official, and suggests that the main interactions that take place at each of these levels. Following this audit, the article concludes by highlighting the role that shared policy competence (a field that is set to grow with the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union) has played in driving IPR in the UK, post-devolution, and suggests some steps that may be taken to enhance IPR in the future. 相似文献
143.
Aditi Malik 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2018,56(3):340-359
In places prone to electoral violence, what effects can constitutional changes have on elites’ incentives to organise conflict? This article develops two hypotheses to address the above question. It proposes that in places where national reforms find sub-national resonance, national and local politicians’ incentives regarding the electoral utility of conflict will align. However, in places where national-level changes fail to be locally relevant, these incentives will deviate from one another. The research illustrates these logics through a controlled comparison of two Kenyan counties: one that experienced electoral violence and the other that maintained peace around the 2013 elections. 相似文献
144.
Giorgos Triantafyllou 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2018,18(2):261-279
ABSTRACTAlmost a decade after its declaration of independence, Kosovo continues to depend on NATO’s Kosovo Force (KFOR) for its protection. This article explores why Kosovo has not developed its own armed forces and how it could complete the process of security institution building through the establishment of a Kosovo Armed Force (KAF) in the future. Conceptually, the article highlights the role of different agents with diverging positions on the development of a KAF and the unfolding politicization of the issue, under conditions of legal uncertainty. The empirical analysis traces the stalemate regarding the creation of a KAF to legal restraints and the diverging positions of different parties on the issue. More specifically, the government’s inability to balance between the high expectations of Kosovo Albanians and the adamant objections of Kosovo Serbs has exacerbated the politicization of the debate. 相似文献
145.
Ifeoma Laura Owosuyi 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2016,23(2):201-223
This article considers the making of Egypt's post-Mubarak constitution after considering the fact that participatory constitution-making is accepted as a democratic norm allowing citizens to be involved in the creation of their constitution and their future. The author argues that the process by which a constitution is made is crucial for the framing and legitimising of that constitution. Therefore, political elites and state institutions should not wholly control the process. The views of two schools of thought – idealism and realism – are considered. These views, together with the influence of the state and the concept of participation of the citizenry in the constitution-making process, are measured against international law requirements and further applied in a critical evaluation of Egypt's constitution-making process from 2011 to 2014. 相似文献
146.
Terry D. Moore Thomas P. McDonald Kari Cronbaugh-Auld 《Journal of public child welfare》2016,10(2):117-131
Placement stability is of critical importance to the well-being of children in foster care and has an impact on other key outcomes. Placement decision-making that matches children with placement resources is often cited as a practice that impacts placement stability, but little research exists to inform this practice. The focus of this research is on a child assessment tool that was developed to determine the appropriate level of care, which serves as one component of a web-based matching system that pulls together child and placement information used to inform the placement decision. The research examines the relationship between the child assessment subscale domains and placement stability for first and subsequent placement decisions and evaluates the stability of placements made in and outside of the indicated level of care. 相似文献
147.
宪法诉讼制度是近代宪政理念及其制度建构发展到一定阶段的产物,并且自其产生以来就在整个宪法监督体系中发挥了不可取代的作用。宪法诉讼的价值是多元的,在宪法诉讼的价值体系中,宪政价值无疑具有最为重要的地位。宪法诉讼作为宪法的免疫器和宪政的守护神,对一国的宪政建设无疑具有首要的意义,即"无诉讼则无宪政"。 相似文献
148.
做好110接处警工作 促进社会和谐稳定 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
冯永强 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2008,20(2)
110接处警工作是公安机关开展全面工作中不可缺少的一部分,它关系到国家政治的稳定、经济的发展,关系到公安机关的威望和形象,关系到人民群众的切身利益。在阐述110接处警工作对促进社会和谐稳定的意义和实践总结的基础上,探寻做好110接处警工作的具体措施,促进和维护社会和谐稳定,实现公安机关三大政治和社会责任。 相似文献
149.
刘秀玲 《河北青年管理干部学院学报》2008,(6):9-12
中国正处于实现依法治国和建设社会主义政治文明过程中,有必要对邓小平社会主义宪政思想的逻辑体系做一个系统的归纳和总结,这是中国政治体制改革的内在要求。邓小平的社会主义宪政思想是在坚持四项基本原则的基础上,立足于中国国情,同社会主义经济发展状况相匹配的有中国特色的社会主义宪政思想,为中国政治体制改革提供理论借鉴。 相似文献
150.
Natalia Sobrevilla Perea 《议会、议员及代表》2017,37(2):220-234
ABSTRACTThe Peruvian parliament was a central institution in the early republic, but so far very little has been written on its history. This is due to the fact that military leaders took control of power for most of the nineteenth century. This article reflects on three main questions: what was the role of the legislative in nineteenth-century Peru? What was its relationship with the executive power? And what part did conflict play in these relationships? Most initial congresses were tasked with writing up constitutions, because institutions had to be created, and there was a strong belief that having a written charter mattered. The strongmen who took power felt the need to obtain legitimacy from both constitutions, and elections, but often did not see eye to eye with congress. This led congress to be closed, particularly when legislators refused to bow down to presidential power. 相似文献