宪政的基本要素--我们的追求

宪政的核心价值是保障人权,从宪法的产生和发展来看,世界上的宪法都是以确认和保障人权而展开的.建立有限政府是保障人权的宪政手段,它是宪政制度的基本内涵,若政府权力不受限制,人权保障就无从实现.我们应从宪政的概念入手,主要分析宪政这两方面的价值以及宪政制度与民主制度的张力和契合,并结合中国的宪政实践,拟探寻中国宪政未来的出路.     

现代宪政条件下的宪法效力

宪法作为国家的最高法规范,不仅拘束国家公权力,而且随着国家功能的变迁以及现代宪政理念的发展,已经超越传统领域,对社会生活的所有领域都发挥法律效力。由于宪法是由不同特性、不同形态的具体规范所组成,每一具体宪法规范法效力的实现在方式和程度都并不尽相同,需要根据具体规范的性质和表现形式予以判断。     

宪政视野下的《刑事诉讼法·总则》

通过重构《刑事诉讼法·总则》,可以将其分为三部分,涉及权力分配问题、权力主体从事刑事诉讼行为时可能受到的限制、诉讼主体可以凭借的工具。第一部分是在宪政视野下的分析,其得出了一个值得注意的结论,中国刑事诉讼程序现代性因素非常多,权力分配的基本框架已经确立;第二部分,涉及对权力主体的各种限制本身可以增加司法机关判决的可接受性,可以提高司法权威;第三部分,分析了刑事程序参与者可以凭借的各种工具。在此基础上,进一步揭示出其暗含的一些瑕疵、甚至缺陷,如不赋予法官独立权,仅仅赋予法院作为整体的独立权。     

走向多元：宪政时代司法的复合功能

定分止争是原始社会司法功能之核心。但进入阶级社会后,国家的出现使得司法功能逐渐朝着维护特权阶层之政权的角度发展。到了近现代社会,随着身份特权被打破,法治成为国家治理的主要方式,宪政原则被确定为司法功能的逻辑原点,司法功能在逻辑自主性支配下呈现出了多元化的趋势。宪政时代司法的多元化功能具体体现为服务功能、统治功能、保障功能、法治功能和治理功能五个方面。     

诉权的宪政之维

目前我国的诉权研究视野比较狭窄、法理根基的探讨比较单薄,基于诉权与宪政之间的内在逻辑联系,从宪政的维度更能够厘清诉权的来源、属性与价值,这有助于拓宽诉权的思考空间,深化对诉权的理论研究,凸显加强诉权的宪法保障之重要意义。     

宪政:中国的困境与出路——梁漱溟宪政思想研究

本文述介梁漱溟先生关于宪法与宪政的基本看法 ,特别是他从不同人文类型的观照中对于中国模仿、移植西方宪政的困境的分析 ,有关中国走向宪政之路的思虑 ,同时并述及各种政治力量对此所作的反应 ,指出在中国近代百年宪政思潮中 ,梁漱溟宪政思想的特立卓越处。     

论我国检察权的性质——定位于法律监督权的检察权

我国检察权的本质属性应为法律监督权,对检察权“行政权说”提出质疑。法律监督权是一元的而不是多元的,对全部检察职能都可以作出法律监督权的解读。法律监督权的理论基础是分权制衡论,宪政基础是人民代表大会下的“一府两院”制及宪法对检察机关性质的界定。     

论欧盟宪法危机认知之理论方法

如何看待所谓的欧盟宪法危机,在很大程度上是一种理论分析形态选择的问题。分析欧盟这一政治体系或者政治体的各种理论,其共同之处在于解释欧盟现象因何而生又如何发展的问题。欧盟宪政的发展过程实际上就是欧盟法律人格丰富与健全的过程。分析欧盟法律人格的构成因素以及各个因素之间的逻辑联系,既能解释欧盟宪政的历史演进,又能分析目前欧盟宪法危机的症结所在。欧盟法律人格构成因素的丰富与强健,既是欧盟宪政发展的动力之一,同时也给欧盟宪政发展带来了挑战,无论是保持欧盟发展的动力还是避免欧盟宪政发展所遇到的挑战,都依赖于欧盟法律人格构成的三个因素———规制性支柱、规范性支柱与认知性支柱———之间的平衡。     

Why Federalism Does Not Always Take Shape: the Cases of Italy and Nepal

Federalism has been discussed as a potential system of governance in many countries, but in some it has failed to take shape. This has been the case in Nepal and, to a certain extent, in Italy. In fact, in Italy the federal option was rejected at the time of Risorgimento, and constitutional reforms in the 2000s never transformed the country into a federation as desired by political actors such as the Northern League despite some decentralization. In Nepal, the 2007 interim constitution specified that the country would be federal, but the first Constituent Assembly elected to write a new constitution was unable to produce a federal map acceptable to the major political parties and the second is wrestling with the same issue. In both cases, federal structuring was attacked by political actors who argued that it could promote disunity, undermine solidarity, and possibly lead to disintegration. This article argues that the idea of federalism held by prominent political actors as promoting division and conflict played strongly against its implementation.     

Experimentalism in the EU: Common ground and persistent differences

Our central claim in this rejoinder is that experimentalist forms of organization in making regulatory rules, organizing social services, and articulating constitutional norms arise and diffuse as the problem that the actors and the state face shifts from ignorance to uncertainty. We argue that this has consequences for forms of accountability and for the conception and organization of democracy and constitutionalism. The EU, founded by diverse states in a period of continuing uncertainty, intensified by growing interdependence, proves to be a natural laboratory for observing urgent efforts to adjust to this new situation, and the symposium focuses on developments there. The symposium has brought us to see that there is more common ground in these debates than prior exchanges may have suggested. We therefore emphasize convergence on large points, while underscoring and, we hope, clarifying persistent differences, with the aim of encouraging the joint exploration of them already underway, in part explicitly, in part implicitly.