大力推进惩防腐败体系建设——基于山西省晋城市的实践

坚决惩治和有效预防腐败,关系人心向背和党的生死存亡。晋城市近年来惩防体系建设取得了一定的成效,教育防范重点突出,制度建设不断创新,监督制约形成机制,改革推动坚定有力,纠风矫正成效明显,惩治追究形成合力,科技防腐积极探索。但惩防体系建设目前还面临许多制约因素,反腐倡廉教育形式单一,失之于“弱”,制度落实执行难度大,失之于“虚”,监督渠道不畅缺乏手段,失之于“软”,领导干部作风建设问题突出,失之于“律”。为进一步加强惩防体系建设,必须强化反腐倡廉教育,增强教育效果;加强制度执行力,注重制度创新;改革和完善监督体制,拓宽监督渠道;继续利用科技手段,加强网络反腐。     

网络涉腐舆情的监督优势及科学化管理

网络涉腐舆情的形成是一个动态过程,具有敏感诱发性、随意偶发性、主观猜测性、虚拟隐匿性等特点,表达了民众对公权公正、廉洁的政治诉求。网络涉腐舆情具有高效高质监督、保护参与个体安全等优势,同时也存在网络暴力倾向、规范性合法性不足等问题。要加强网络反腐的法律法规建设,逐步建立政府及时回应机制和政府、网络与传统媒体的合作机制,完善网络涉腐舆情信息工作体系,加强对网民和网站的培育监督,以实现对网络涉腐舆情的科学化管理。     

反腐的关键:规制行政裁量权

行政裁量权由于其可能导致肆意和专断,因而成为腐败的重灾区。因此,反腐的关键在于规制行政裁量权,保证行政裁量权在法治的轨道上运行。行政裁量权的规制属于复合规制模式,包括立法规制、行政规制、司法规制以及权利规制四种规制路径。然而规制模式有其内在的局限性,公众参与作为民主理论在行政过程的投射,其所具有的民意表达、利益协商、程序正义等功能和优势,可以实现对行政裁量权的有效规制。建立起公众参与的配套制度,并完善公众参与的程序设计,可以实现对行政裁量权的有效规制,促进反腐倡廉建设的健康发展。     

高度重视反腐倡廉这一重大政治任务

反腐倡廉是我党一贯坚持的鲜明政治立场,是人民关注的重大政治问题。当前,我国腐败问题呈现多种特点,其危害性在于：它离间党和人民群众的关系,损毁党的执政基础;破坏社会主义经济体制机制,损害人民群众的利益;干扰依法治国,影响社会稳定;毒化思想道德,败坏社会风气。因此,应进一步加强反腐倡廉的制度建设;加强党员干部反腐倡廉的思想建设;加强党的作风建设;加强党内民主建设强化党内监督机制;进一步发挥人民群众在反腐倡廉建设中的作用。     

性贿赂犯罪化问题的刑法学思考

在物质生活极大丰富的当今社会,权色交易日趋严重,性贿赂已经成为催生腐败,危及国家工作人员职务行为廉洁性的温床,严重阻碍我国民主法治和政治文明的发展。但是,我国现行刑法重点规制物质性利益的贿赂犯罪,对于涉及非物质性利益的性贿赂犯罪问题没有明文规定,法律上的漏洞引起了实践中的茫然。因而,有必要对比古今中外的立法例,详细分析性贿赂犯罪化问题的若干争议,认真考察性贿赂犯罪化的可行性,并从现实角度对现行法律进行重新建构。     

Resettlement and development in Indonesia

This article deals with resettlement management in Indonesia, which involves a number of policy and implementation issues concerning land acquisition, compensation, and resettlement practices in development projects.¹ The principal objective of this article is to identify a set of policy measures gleaned from past experiences in Indonesia and to present a comparative review of how other countries have addressed land acquisition and resettlement issues, including the latest donor policies concerning resettlement of people affected by the development processes. Several resettlement case studies in Indonesia are briefly presented to identify past mistakes and successes. The Indonesian experience is then assessed in the light of international “best practices” for retooling policy, including adoption of an appropriate resettlement policy in Indonesia. The role of local government bodies, non-government and community-based organizations in resettlement management and their beneficial involvements in resettlement planning and implementation is briefly discussed.     

Are Poor Voters Indifferent to Whether Elected Leaders Are Criminal or Corrupt? A Vignette Experiment in Rural India

Although in theory elections are supposed to prevent criminal or venal candidates from winning or retaining office, in practice voters frequently elect and reelect such candidates. This surprising pattern is sometimes explained by reference to voters’ underlying preferences, which are thought to favor criminal or corrupt candidates because of the patronage they provide. This article tests this hypothesis using 2010 data from the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, where one in four representatives in the state legislature have a serious criminal record and where political corruption is widespread. Contrary to the voter preference hypothesis, voters presented with vignettes that randomly vary the attributes of competing legislative candidates for local, state, and national office become much less likely to express a preference for candidates who are alleged to be criminal or corrupt. Moreover, voters’ education status, ethnicity, and political knowledge are unrelated to their distaste for criminal and venal candidates. The results imply that the electoral performance of candidates who face serious allegations likely reflects factors other than voters’ preferences for patronage, such as limited information about candidate characteristics or the absence of credible alternative candidates with clean records.     

Constraining political corruption: an empirical analysis of the impact of democracy

The present article addresses the relationship between democracy and political corruption. Extending past studies, this article introduces important refinements that respond to theoretical and methodological concerns. The theoretical framework proposed here is developed based on an electoral conception of democracy, which makes it possible to avoid the potential endogeneity problems associated with substantial definitions of democracy. I argue that despite the influence of other important aspects of democracy, elections and inter-party competition per se help to constrain political corruption. The article examines two analytical dimensions of democracy, the current level of democracy and its degree of consolidation over time. Unlike previous studies, a cross-national empirical analysis of a sample of more than 100 countries reveals that when tested together, the level of democracy and its degree of longitudinal variation are both significantly related to the control of corruption. The level of democracy affects corruption in a non-linear way. Hybrid regimes that are more autocratic than democratic show a lower level of corruption control than democracies, near-democracies, and closed dictatorships. The analysis also confirms that, despite having adopted different measures, more consolidated democracies are more powerful in constraining corruption.     

Does faith limit immorality? The politics of religion and corruption

Critically considering scholarship relating religiosity to ethical behaviour, we contend that religion is systematically related to levels of corruption, and that the nature of this relationship is contingent on the presence of democratic institutions. In democracies, where political institutions are designed to inhibit corrupt conduct, the morality provided by religion is related to attenuated corruption. Conversely, in systems lacking democratic institutions, moral behaviour is not tantamount to staying away from corrupt ways. Accordingly, in non-democratic contexts, religion would not be associated with decreased corruption. Time-series cross-sectional analyses of aggregate data for 129 countries for 12 years, as well as individual level analyses of data from the World Values Surveys, strongly corroborate the predictions of our theory. The correlation of religion with reduced corruption is conditional on the extent to which political institutions are democratic.