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91.
我们党历来高度重视反腐倡廉工作,特别是在革命、建设、改革的重大历史关头和关键发展阶段,更是高度自觉地把反腐倡廉工作摆在非常重要的位置。建国以来,我们党针对不同时期出现的新特点,不断在实践中探索反腐倡廉工作的有效途径,逐步形成了比较系统的反腐倡廉工作经验,主要有:坚持惩治腐败同经济建设紧密结合;坚持党的领导同依靠群众紧密结合;坚持制度建设同解决突出问题紧密结合;坚持思想政治教育同查处大案要案紧密结合。  相似文献   
92.
腐败犯罪的国际化促使国家间反腐国际合作不断深入,《联合国反腐败公约》的出台填补了国际法在相关领域的空白。相比较而言,我国《引渡法》在某些方面与《反腐公约》存在一定的差异,公约的各项原则和规则还需要通过国内立法加以落实。因此,建议比照《反腐公约》的规定,借鉴国际上引渡立法的先进经验,利于完善我国的引渡法律体系。  相似文献   
93.
加强高校反腐倡廉理论研究,是建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系的重要部分,也是强化高校服务地方职能的重要途径。面对反腐倡廉理论研究的新形势、新问题,从反腐倡廉理论研究的重要意义入手,对反腐倡廉理论研究工作创新平台的作用发挥和机制保障问题进行探讨。  相似文献   
94.
Even if competitive markets have shown themselves to be the most efficient organizational form for creating economic efficiency, the question of how they can avoid destructive influence from agents with opportunistic motives remains unresolved. Different institutional approaches have argued that to be efficient, markets need to be embedded in a set of formal and informal institutions. Because such institutions will in the long run make all market agents better off, they are labeled efficient institutions. Contrary to what is argued in neoclassical economics, it is unlikely that such institutions will be created endogenously by market agents because the institutions are to be understood as genuine public goods. Moreover, if such institutions have been established, we should expect market agents to face a collective action problem when sustaining them, leading to the destruction of the institutions. The conclusion is that if left to themselves, markets should be understood as inherently self‐destructive.  相似文献   
95.
纵观古今中外,腐败现象的产生都必须经过三道关口,一是想不想腐败——思想关;二是能不能腐败——制度关;三是敢不敢腐败——法制关。要彻底反腐,就要把关好这三道关口,即要从三个方面去抓:一要搞好思想政治教育,把好思想关,使之不想腐败;二要搞好制度建设,把好制度关,使之不能腐败;三要搞好法制建设,把好法制关,使之不敢腐败。  相似文献   
96.
江泽民作为党的第三代中央领导集体的核心,在深入分析腐败产生的原因的基础上,提出了反腐败战略方针,强调反腐败要加强对领导干部的监督,要致力于教育。江泽民反腐败理论中所提出的标本兼治、综合治理、惩防并举、权力监督、重在教育等思想,对于当前反腐败斗争的开展仍具有重大的理论借鉴和指导意义。  相似文献   
97.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):84-128
Given both corruption's and bureaucratic inefficiency's importance for development and good governance, understanding their causes is paramount. This paper argues that majority state ownership of most the most important economic sectors of a country results in higher levels of corruption and inefficiency. When political and managerial elites both own and manage the country's most important economic resources, they have greater incentives for corrupt or inefficient behavior. These elites use national resources at their disposal more for short-term personal and political goals than for long-term economic ones. This paper tests this hypothesis on a relatively underused, but often cited, data set from the 1980s. Using a cross-national, regression analysis, this paper finds that the best predictors a country's level of corruption or bureaucratic inefficiency are these: majority state ownership of significant economic sectors, levels of GDP per capita, levels of government spending, and levels of democracy. Other factors, such as common law heritage, percent of population that is Protestant, federalism, economic freedoms, or mineral/ oil exporting, were not consistent, significant predictors of either bureaucratic inefficiency or corruption. We also argue that Tobit may be the best estimation procedure for these data.  相似文献   
98.
This study is part of a larger research project on police crime in the United States. Police crimes are those criminal offenses committed by sworn law enforcement officers who have the general powers of arrest. Profit-motivated police crime involves officers who use their authority of position to engage in crime for personal gain. This study reports the findings on 1,591 cases where a law enforcement officer was arrested for one or more profit-motivated crimes during the seven-year period 2005–2011. The profit-motivated arrest cases involved 1,396 individual officers employed by 782 state, local, special, constable, and tribal law enforcement agencies located in 531 counties and independent cities in 47 states and the District of Columbia. Our data is the first systematic study of profit-motivated police crime. The study describes the nature of this form of police misconduct in terms of several dimensions, including the characteristics of police who perpetrate these crimes, where it occurs, the specific criminal charges, and the contexts within which profit-motivated police crime is punished through police agencies and the criminal courts.  相似文献   
99.
Wendy C. Grenade 《圆桌》2013,102(2):167-176
Abstract

This article examines party politics and governance in post-revolutionary Grenada, using the case of the New National Party (NNP). The central question is what does the evolution of the NNP suggests about governance and democracy in post-invasion Grenada? The article traces four phases of the NNP since its formation in 1984: (1) externally imposed marriage of convenience; (2) intra-party conflict and splintering; (3) rebranding, consolidation and dominance; and (4) electoral defeat. The article contends that Grenada has transitioned to formal democracy and the NNP is a significant actor. Yet, despite this transition, Grenada has not become the showcase of democracy that the US said it would in 1984.  相似文献   
100.
This article explores how contradictory development tendencies within Brazil’s primary sector have contributed to the country’s enduring political crisis. I show that President Rousseff, when dealing with declining royalty payments from natural resource exports and a decrease in tax revenue from imports, financed social policies in ways that her opponents branded as unconstitutional to remove her from power. After documenting the central players within the political crisis, namely those who have been under investigation in Operação Lava Jato (Operation Car Wash), I illustrate how the ongoing corruption scandals plaguing Brazil have their roots in the country’s raw material export industries.  相似文献   
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