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81.
Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition is a compelling justification of a liberal, procedural conception of recognition. This conception is built upon a convincing conception of moral equality, but it does not offer a full theoretical discussion of recognition. I argue that the liberal recognition provided by Patten is too formal and narrow to address all relevant issues regarding conflicts of recognition in democratic societies. In particular, it does not consider the political and democratic preconditions that should be granted to minority groups or immigrants in order to provide them fair opportunities to effectively (and not only formally) reach equal recognition. 相似文献
82.
Gabriele Vogt 《Japan Forum》2017,29(1):77-99
AbstractJapan's foreign population is growing, and policy-makers need to address the manifold challenges of an emerging multicultural society. Most importantly, this concerns the task to prevent societal frictions from occurring. This article puts Japan's preparedness to face the challenge of trust-building between members of different ethnic groups to test. The realm of educational policies and schooling practices will stand at the center of interest. It will be argued that the Japanese approach of an integration policy, with its strong focus on the concept of multiculturalism on a national level of policy-making, falls short of creating opportunities for trust-learning among the members of the societal majority and various minority groups. On a subnational level, however, e.g. in Kanagawa Prefecture, some best-practice examples of trust-learning across ethnic boundaries can nevertheless be identified, and may serve as starting points for future policy reforms. 相似文献
83.
84.
我国的预审制度起源于1931年12月中华苏维埃共和国临时中央政府颁布的训令,立法于1979年7月我国颁布的第一部《刑事诉讼法》中,它在公安机关办理刑事案件中发挥了重要作用。1997年6月公安部作出侦审合一的刑侦体制改革,但目前侦审合一呈现多元化的格局,它既有改革相配套的制度和措施跟不上的原因,又有侦查人员破案任务重和素质能力弱,无法适应改革要求的原因。未来的预审工作,除了允许侦审合一的多种形式存在外,应当继续推进侦审合一;提高现有侦查人员侦查、预审素质;实行受过专门训练的公安、政法院校侦查学专业或者相近专业毕业的学生准入侦查部门的制度。 相似文献
85.
Katharine N. Rankin Andrea J. Nightingale Pushpa Hamal Tulasi S. Sigdel 《The Journal of peasant studies》2018,45(2):280-299
This paper explores the political field that has opened up in the wake of the recent civil war in Nepal. We focus on cultural-political developments in agrarian districts, where some of the most intriguing openings, and indeed the most pernicious closures, can be witnessed (as opposed to the national-state restructuring that commands more media and popular attention). Our research asks what spaces open up in the emerging political field at the district scale to entrench or transform dominant cultural codes and sedimented histories of socio-economic inequality. Preliminary research identifies specific sectors of local governance that have emerged as significant sites of struggle over the shape and meaning of ‘democracy’, namely forest management and infrastructure development. The primary contribution of the paper lies in specifying an analytical approach to the study of ‘post-conflict’ governance at the local scale via three conceptual terrains of inquiry – governance and planning, political subjectivity, and cultural politics. The ultimate objective is to develop a framework for assessing the conditions of possibility for a democratic restructuring of economy and society to accompany the official political institutions of liberal democracy. 相似文献
86.
The Arab world has experienced some unprecedented social movements, labeled by the media as the Arab Spring. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of public policy, advertising, media, and public spheres on the Arab Spring. The media and economic policies enacted in the Arab world in the 1990s played a significant role in changing consumer culture in the Arab region, resulting in significant changes in public policy. Two studies were conducted to test how the change in consumer culture along with new public polices in the region contributed to the uprisings. 相似文献
87.
乔昕 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2017,31(6):74-79
职工文化自信是文化自信的具体体现,打造健康文明、昂扬向上的职工文化,离不开工人阶级和广大劳动群众的伟大品格,离不开工匠精神、劳模精神和劳动精神。这三种精神,是新时代职工文化建设的旗帜,是新时代职工文化自信的引领。 相似文献
88.
Ueli Staeger Cristian Bobocea 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2018,53(3):38-54
Regional economic integration in the post-Soviet space stands in a complex relation with the European Union’s integration process. Multiple competing internal logics of integration, as well as the EU model are drivers of Eurasian regionalism. The Eurasian Economic Union illustrates how bureaucracies mobilise their technocratic authority in a process of mimesis that reconciles multiple internal and external integration logics: selective learning from the EU and successful incorporation of internal integration logics produce an organisational design and output that member states support to varying extents. 相似文献
89.
Andrey Makarychev 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2018,53(3):1-19
The contours of regionalism in a wider Europe are shaped by two dominant actors, the European Union (EU) and Russia, which often have divergent visions of the regional landscapes in a vast area constituting their common neighbourhood. The EU can be characterised as the promoter of normative regionalism, while Russia generates different forms of civilisational regionalism. Russia’s emphasis on the civilisational underpinnings of its regional integration model paves the way for two different strategies: one based on liberal imitation and replication of EU experiences in order to strengthen Russia’s position in the global neoliberal economy, and another grounded in illiberal contestation of the normative premises of the EU with the purpose of devising an ideologised alternative to the liberal West. 相似文献
90.
Rob Waters 《The Political quarterly》2018,89(3):409-416
Integration politics experienced a postcolonial crisis in the late 1960s. This was a crisis driven by the simultaneous and inter‐related eruption of Powellism and Black Power. This article uses the crisis of integration politics to show the Powellite conjuncture from its other side, as it played out in the reconstitution of black British politics. It shows how black activists responded to the rise of Powellism by demanding that the politics of integration be either abandoned or reframed, to more fully shake out the colonial inheritances that lurked within it. The integration proposed by the postwar project of race relations was problematic from its inception; Black Power used Powell's intervention to expose these problems and demand change. 相似文献