Actions by Political Officials Have Weakened the Federal Government Workplace: Downsizing Has Cut Lower Level Workers the Most and Replacing Federal Employees with Private Corporations Costs Much More,Creating the Need for Immediate Reform

Abstract

The authors of this paper are four practitioners each of whom has many years of experience working in the Federal government and also has pursued doctoral studies in public or business administration. Three ideas developed in this paper are that: (1) the Federal civil service has been changed from being a model workplace to a much less desirable one; (2) although downsizing has been touted as an efficiency and economy measure, lower level employees experienced the most cuts and (3) the current practice of replacing Federal employees with private corporations costs much more. Over the past two decades private sector workplaces in the United States, and now the Federal government workplace, have experienced so much change that previous theories, concepts, models, and expectations no longer hold. Just as private industry workplaces have been changed by downsizing, reorganizations, mergers, elimination of middle management, and outsourcing, so, too, has the Federal government workplace been fundamentally altered. Reducing the number of government workers, replacing Federal employees with private firms, increasing the number of officials with political agendas, and using harsh personnel management practices have transfigured the Federal workplace. Examples of factors that have contributed to a changed workplace include: the Civil Service Reform Act which replaced the Civil Service Commission with the Office of Personnel Management; importing private sector approaches into the government, e.g., the Grace Commission; replacing the Civil Service Retirement System with the Federal Employees Retirement System; pressure to downsize and privatize; and many elements of the National Performance Review and Government Performance and Results Act. Now that the metamorphosis away from the traditional Civil Service borne of the Pendleton Act is nearly complete (although the new paradigm is not entirely clear), questions about the effects of a changed government workplace are being raised. Some people believe the metamorphosis is from a caterpillar to a butterfly, while others think the opposite. Whether the changed Federal government is a thing of beauty or a distasteful organism will be determined over time by observations and assessments of the effects of the change. These effects will be both internal to the government workplace, itself, and external to it, involving the products, services, outputs, and outcomes it produces. This paper begins by describing some of the politically mandated changes that have altered the very foundation of the Federal government workplace over the past 20 years and made it a much less desirable place to work. Next, some of the effects of two politically mandated changes are examined: (1) downsizing or reducing the number of Americans who can work for their government and (2) contracting out or replacing government workers with private corporations. Political officials have told the media and the American public that these changes were needed to improve the government's efficiency, effectiveness, and economy. It has been suggested that these initiatives will reduce costs. However, an examination of downsizing and contracting out shows the opposite effect. While overall the Federal government has fewer employees now than in 1961, the statistics indicate that lower level employees have been cut the most:

• The number of secretaries decreased by 39% between 1992 and 1998.

• The blue collar workforce is down 40% since 1982, e.g., Supply Clerical and Technician (?35%), Accounting Technician (?24%), and Electronics Mechanic (?41%).

• Between 1993 and 1998 the number of GS‐1 to GS‐10 employees fell from 767,000 to 594,000.

• In 1983 the number of GS‐1 to GS‐10 workers exceeded GS‐11 to GS‐15 by nearly 300,000, while in 1997 GS‐11 to GS‐15 outnumbered the lower level workers by 44,000.

Although authoritative cost comparison studies are difficult to conduct because top officials have made little provision to collect information on the cost of contracting with private firms or the number of contract employees, available information indicates that it is much more expensive than using government employees. The contracting out we are talking about is not the usual kind—building ships or planes, or acquiring computer systems or special expertise not available in the government. Rather, it is contracting with private firms to do jobs that are currently being performed by Federal employees. Not satisfied with the level at which firms are being substituted for Federal employees, actions by political officials have created an environment which now favors private corporations and where they can be given work at top management's discretion, often regardless of cost. In fact, today most contracting out is done without the use of Circular A‐76 Cost Comparison Studies. There is empirical and logical evidence that shows that replacing government employees with private corporations is more expensive. For example, a study by the Department of the Army documents what people close to contracting have always known—that it is far more expensive to contract with a private firm for work than to have Federal employees do it. Logically, the government incurs additional items of cost when replacing Federal employees with private corporations. First, there is the profit that goes to the firm. Second, there is the firm's overhead which pays for corporate offices, staffs, and CEOs. Third, there are the costs of the contracting and award process and of contract administration and management. Although the worker on a government contract may be paid a little less than a government worker, the cost of the worker is only a third to a half of what the government pays the firm. Thus, replacing government workers with private firms usually costs far more and it is not unusual for it to cost two to three times as much. This paper partly is based on the authors' long experience in the Federal government. It is not based on the organizations in which they are currently employed.     

The Quality of Life from a Child's Perspective

Abstract

During the last decade, both in politics and research methodology there has been an increased interest in listening to children's experiences and viewpoints, as separate and different from their adult carers. In the line with these interests, this article discusses how the quality of life, from a child's perspective, can be sociologically framed, and the relevance this has for people in the social work field. The article begins by clarifying the meaning of talking about quality of life from a child's perspective by reference to the concept of generational order. Next, some methodological experiences and empirical findings regarding quality of life from a child's perspective are briefly reported. This is partly because these experiences and findings by themselves are regarded as relevant for administrative practices and social work regarding children, and partly because they support and have been a source of shaping the sociological frame. Then, on the basis of these experiences and findings, and by adopting a relational social constructionist approach, the quality of life from a child's perspective is framed sociologically. Finally, based on the findings and framing of children's quality of life from a child's perspective some recommendations for social work regarding children are suggested.     

The Truths/Fictions/Traumas of Marikana: Exploring Violence and Trauma in Three Films,The Marikana Massacre: Through The Lens (2013), Miners Shot Down (2014), and Night is Coming: A Threnody for the Victims of Marikana (2014)

ABSTRACT

By exploring three films that centre on the Marikana strikes and killings of 2012, I seek to examine both the representations of violence as trauma, and the trauma of representing violence, within the context of visual, cinematic texts. I position Marikana, and the trauma of Marikana, as both a highly significant moment, and also as representative of deeper social and political traumas and injustices. I ask whether and how these films create a narrative context for this pivotal moment in South African history. I also question the effects of cinematic style and genre in the depictions of trauma and violence. The institutional context in which each film originated and developed is important, and I argue that the audience's expectations of the genre of documentary film also play a significant role in the way in which the films process trauma. I situate my paper in conversation with previous articles by Lucy Graham and Helene Strauss among others, that deal with cinematic portrayals of Marikana. By examining the selected films alongside each other, and through the lens of Decolonial Trauma Studies, I hope to elucidate the ways in which these South African films deal with and work through trauma.     

GABA Receptors,Alcohol Dependence and Criminal Behavior

The aim of this study was to analyze the connection between alcohol dependence and criminal behavior by an integrated genetic–environmental approach. The research, structured as a case–control study, examined 186 alcohol‐dependent males; group 1 (N = 47 convicted subjects) was compared with group 2 (N = 139 no previous criminal records). Genetic results were innovative, highlighting differences in genotype distribution (p = 0.0067) in group 1 for single‐nucleotide polymorphism rs 3780428, located in the intronic region of subunit 2 of the GABA B receptor gene (GABBR2). Some environmental factors (e.g., grade repetition) were associated with criminal behavior; others (e.g., attendance at Alcoholics Anonymous) were inversely related to convictions. The concomitant presence of the genetic and environmental factors found to be associated with the condition of alcohol‐dependent inmate showed a 4‐fold increase in the risk of antisocial behavior. The results need to be replicated on a larger population to develop new preventive and therapeutic proposals.     

STRESS,GENES, AND GENERALIZABILITY ACROSS GENDER: EFFECTS OF MAOA AND STRESS SENSITIVITY ON CRIME AND DELINQUENCY*

In the current study, we extend the gene‐by‐environment interaction (cGxE) literature by examining how a widely studied polymorphism, the MAOA upstream variable number tandem repeat (MAOA‐uVNTR) interacts with distal and proximal stressors to explain variation in crime and delinquency. Prior research findings have revealed that MAOA‐uVNTR interacts with single indicators of environmental adversity to explain criminal behavior in general‐population and incarcerated samples. Nevertheless, the genetically moderated stress sensitivity hypothesis suggests that increased risk for criminal behavior associated with variation in the MAOA‐uVNTR can be best understood in the context of both distal stress during childhood and proximal stress in adulthood. Therefore, we employed Tobit regression analyses to examine a gene–distal–proximal environment (CGxExE) interaction across gender in a sample of university students (n = 267) and with data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health; n = 1,294). The results across both sets of analyses demonstrate that variation in the MAOA‐uVNTR interacts with distal and proximal stress to lead to increased risk for criminal behavior in males. Although proximal life stress is associated with an increase in crime and delinquency, this effect is more pronounced among MAOA‐L allele carriers that have experienced distal stress.     

鸭病毒性肝炎病毒RNA聚合酶在真核细胞中的表达及亚细胞定位

为研究鸭病毒性肝炎病毒RNA依赖性RNA聚合酶的分子生物学特性及其在细胞中的定位,构建了RNA依赖性RNA聚合酶与增强型绿色荧光蛋白融合表达的真核重组表达质粒;然后用脂质体介导转染MDCK细胞。分别使用荧光显微镜、激光共聚焦显微镜以及4,6-二脒基-2-苯基吲哚(DAPI)染色和蛋白免疫电泳试验等方法检测了RNA依赖性RNA聚合酶在细胞中的表达和亚细胞定位情况。结果表明,RNA依赖性RNA聚合酶能与增强型绿色荧光蛋白一起在MDCK细胞中良好表达,且主要分布于细胞核中,Western-blot分析结果显示,融合蛋白在80ku处出现阳性条带,说明表达的外源蛋白具有免疫活性。表明成功构建了RNA依赖性RNA聚合酶与增强型绿色荧光蛋白融合表达载体,并在真核细胞内实现了表达,通过检测荧光蛋白,发现RNA依赖性RNA聚合酶主要在细胞核中发挥复制酶的功能。     

MOAS在住院精神障碍患者暴力风险评估中的应用

目的探索修订版外显攻击行为量表(Modified Overt Aggression Scale,MOAS)用于预测精神障碍住院患者发生严重攻击行为的价值,为住院精神障碍患者的暴力风险评估提供理论依据。方法由经过培训的医务人员对某精神卫生专科机构2009年9月在院的918例住院患者采用MOAS进行评估,并随访2年内是否发生严重攻击行为。通过SPSS 21.0分析采用MOAS评估预测精神障碍患者发生严重攻击行为的价值。结果 (1)与未发生严重攻击行为者相比,2年内发生严重攻击行为者,其MOAS评分中言语攻击、财物攻击、身体攻击和加权总分存在差异(P0.05);(2)MOAS中的言语攻击评分,与2年内精神障碍患者的严重攻击行为相关(P0.05);(3)通过MOAS各项评分预测2年内精神障碍患者是否出现严重攻击行为时,言语攻击、体力攻击及加权总分三项评分存在一定的价值(P0.05)。结论 MOAS评分用于预测住院的精神障碍患者2年内发生的严重攻击行为时,存在一定的价值。     

贵州汉族19个STR基因座多态性及法医学应用

目的调查19个常染色体STR基因座在贵州汉族人群中的等位基因分布,评估其在法医学中的应用价值。方法应用Goldeneye~(TM) DNA身份鉴定系统20A试剂盒,研究贵州520名汉族无关健康个体19个常染色体STR基因座多态性。用310型遗传分析仪进行毛细管电泳,Gene Mapper~ID v3.1进行基因分型。结果 19个常染色体STR基因座的杂合度为0.603 8~0.916 4,个体识别率为0.790 0~0.985 6,非父排除率为0.295 5~0.826 9,多态信息含量为0.553 5~0.908 9,累积个体识别率为1-1.230 0×10~(-22),累积非父排除率为0.999 999 99。贵州汉族和其他五个地域的汉族两两之间等位基因频率比较,仅贵州汉族与山东汉族、辽宁汉族、山西汉族之间存在基因频率差异具有统计学意义。结论 D19S433等19个常染色体STR基因座在贵州汉族人群中具有良好的遗传多态性,对群体遗传学和法医物证学研究有应用价值。     

His master’s voice: H.L.A. Hart and Lacanian discourse theory

H.L.A. Hart’s jurisprudence seems antithetical to Jacques Lacan’s psychoanalysis. Professor Schroeder argues that, in fact, Hart’s concept of law has surprising similarities to Lacan’s ‘discourse of the Master’. Both reject a command theory of law: subjects do not obey law out of fear. Moreover, both insist that the authority of law is completely independent from its content. Anyone seeking to develop a psychoanalytically sophisticated critical legal theory should reconsider Hart. As insightful as his concept of the symbolic is, Lacan has no expertise in legal systems and does not discuss positive law per se. Although he posited a theory of ethics in his Seventh Seminar and the seeds of a jurisprudence are implicit within his theory, he offers no account of legal right, justice or what Hart misleadingly calls ‘morality’. A Lacanian jurisprudence must, therefore, be supplemented by other sources. Moreover, legal positivists should not dismiss psychoanalysis. As insightful as Hart’s jurisprudence is, his theories of legal subjectivity and linguistics are simplistic and his concept of law too narrow. He describes only one aspect of legal experience: obedience to law. He ignores what most legal actors do: Hart’s concept of law excludes the practice of law. Although Lacan’s ‘master’s discourse’ surprisingly parallels Hart’s jurisprudence, Lacan does not restrict the symbolic to the master’s discourse. It requires three other ‘discourses’. Lacan, therefore, supplements Hart. Specifically, Lacan’s fourth discourse describes the excluded practice of law and provides the mechanism by which ‘morality’ can critique law.