美国双边投资协定的最新发展——对2004年范本(草案)的内容分析

鉴于NAFTA第11章在实施中存在的问题,美国颁布了2004双边投资协定范本(草案).该草案同以前的规定相比,在国外投资的最低待遇标准、外资和征收、仲裁诉讼程序的透明度以及投资与环境、投资与劳工等方面都有较大的变化.这些变化代表着美国日前及今后对待国外投资的态度.     

生态文明：全面建设小康社会的必然选择

小康社会是一个全面发展的社会 ,也是一个生态文明的社会 ,但我国的生态状况不容乐观。因此 ,生态文明在全面小康社会的建设中起着重要的作用 ,它既是物质文明的基础和前提 ,又是政治文明的重要补充 ,还是精神文明的题中应有之义。生态建设主要应从观念、制度和行为着手     

美国处理儿童诱拐案件的立法与实践

海牙儿童诱拐公约在确保安全返还儿童、抑制跨国儿童诱拐等方面具有十分重要的作用.美国于1988年批准了该公约,其在实施公约的国内立法、司法实践及具体措施等方面具有鲜明的特色.由于美国属于联邦制国家,除了国际性的诱拐案件之外,还要处理大量的各州之间的诱拐案件,因此,美国这方面的司法实践非常丰富.中国虽尚未加入公约,但实际中已经面临着处理跨国儿童诱拐案件的一些问题,这方面,美国的实践经验无疑可资借鉴.     

堆形艾美球虫广东株Ea1A基因的扩增与序列测定

根据GenBank上登录的堆形艾美球虫Ea1A基因序列 ,设计了 1对引物 ,以抽提的广东株的总RNA为模板 ,利用反转录 聚合酶链反应 (RT PCR)扩增获得了Ea1A基因部分片段 ,并将此片段克隆至pGEM T载体中 ,经PCR、限制性内切酶分析和克隆片段序列测定、比较 ,证实了克隆片段的可靠性     

H9N2亚型禽流感病毒聚合酶基因的克隆及序列分析

采用RT-PCR方法对1株H9N2亚型禽流感病毒Ck/GS/2/99株RNA聚合酶基因PB2、PB1和PA分别进行了扩增,将其克隆到pGEM-T easy载体后进行序列测定与分析。结果表明,该株病毒的PB2、PB1和PA基因开放阅读框(ORF)分别由2280、2274和2 151个碱基组成,分别编码759、757和716个氨基酸。经同源性与系统发生树分析,该毒株RNA聚合酶基因PB2、PB1和PA与Ck/NX/4/99株的核苷酸和氨基酸同源性均在98%以上,另外这3个基因与Dk/HK/Y280/97、Sw/HK/9/98和Qu/HK/NT/28/99株的关系密切。     

全面建设小康社会背景下的青年思想政治教育

全面建设小康社会的战略部署为当代青年发展提供了新空间、新机遇,与此同时,青年思想政治教育的地位与作用日益凸显。全面建设小康社会对青年思想政治教育提出了深化和创新的全新历史性要求。     

Correlation of paternity index with probability of exclusion and efficiency criteria of genetic markers for parternity testing

The statistical correlation between the chance of paternity exclusion and paternity index is explored to derive a new criterion of judging the efficiency of an array of genetic determinations for parentage diagnosis. The theoretical basis is illustrated with allele frequency data on genetic markers used in a paternity testing protocol to examine the possible effects of changing the genetic systems on the prospect of identifying fathers by genetic markers.     

浅谈对少量字的检验

少量字的检验是目前文件检验的一项主要内容 ,因其字数少 ,犯罪嫌疑人的书写习惯体现不充分 ,检验起来有一定难度。本文对两例无伪装的典型少量字的检验进行了类比分析 ,以期探求少量字检验的科学方法 ,为案件侦破提供可靠的科学依据。     

Nixon and the Jews

ABSTRACT

In public the 37th President of the United States did not express hostility or disparagement, or show any signs of religious prejudice towards Jews. But inside the White House, Richard M. Nixon's remarks were often scurrilous. His antisemitism was not casual; it was close to compulsive. And it could be coupled with other seething grievances, for example, towards liberals, radicals, the media, Blacks and Italian-Americans. Yet Nixon controlled his antisemitism. It had no adverse effect on Jewish life, either at home or abroad. The malice that he nurtured remained unmobilized. Apart from a few limited personnel instances (mostly but not completely ignored by Nixon's underlings), it is impossible to connect private resentment to public policy, probably because the barriers to the expression of antisemitism in the United States have been so high. The ugliness of his utterances in the Oval Office revealed his character, but did not extend outward to shape the processes of governance. A disconnect can therefore be discerned between what he felt and how he acted. Most American Jews voted for Nixon's Democratic opponents in 1968 and 1972. But even Jews who voted against him, even those who loathed him, have often acknowledged that Nixon's policies fortified the security of Israel; and he was proud of his support for the Jewish state during the Yom Kippur War. What betrayed Nixon, and what forced him to resign the presidency, was his decision to instal a secret taping system in the Oval Office. When the tapes were played in 1974, he showed himself to be conspiring to obstruct justice. In subsequent years, further exposure of the tapes revealed the extent and intensity of Nixon's antipathy to Jews. The expletives that had to be deleted did much to besmirch the dignity of the office. But such was the stigma the political culture attached to antisemitism that, had his bigotry become public before 1968, Nixon's career would have been over.     

Neo‐Nazis see the ‘protocols’ fraud

A neo‐Nazi intellectual finds the ‘Protocols’ to be ‘far removed from reality’.