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61.
走私制毒物品罪侵犯的客体为复杂客体,即本罪既侵犯了我国对制毒物品的管制,又侵犯了我国的对外贸易管制。本罪在客观上表现为违反国家规定,逃避海关监管,非法运输、携带醋酸酐、乙醚、三氯甲烷或者其他经常用于制造毒品的原料或者配剂进出境的行为。本罪主体既可以由年满16周岁具有刑事责任能力的自然人构成,也可以由单位构成。本罪为故意犯罪。  相似文献   
62.
宪法审查的一个重要功能就在于保障宪法价值在法律体系中得以贯彻,然而仅仅将法律法规认定为违宪并不足以有效实现对法律体系的合宪性控制。灵活运用违宪判决的形态可以促使合宪状态的进一步达成,同时避免对政治和法律秩序造成过度的冲击。违宪判决的形态大致包括违宪无效判决、单纯违宪判决和警告性判决。违宪判决形态的选择方法和原理是政治智慧和法律技巧相结合的产物,对这些不同模式下的判决形态选择方法加以梳理、比较,并分析其背后的制度因素,可为激活我国的宪法审查制度提供一种可能的推进策略。  相似文献   
63.
Interpersonal violence within lesbian relationships is a significant yet understudied problem. Women attending a gay pride festival in Atlanta, GA, were asked to complete a survey concerning same-sex interpersonal violence. Women who reported being in a current or previous same-sex partner relationship were included in the analyses (N = 226). Factors that occurred in the context of interpersonal violence were investigated: substance use, HIV/STI risk behaviors, barriers to reporting abuse, and attitudes inhibiting seeking of social support. In addition, the survey assessed relationship-related power dynamics. Results of multivariate analyses support the hypotheses that power imbalance and inequality when making sex-related decisions within women’s same-sex relationships are associated with interpersonal violence. Further findings suggested that a combination of factors must be considered when dealing with and reducing the risk for violence in same-sex relationships.  相似文献   
64.
延安精神作为中共的一笔宝贵财富,具有革命性、民族性、时代性和群体性特征,是中共在延安时期领导民族独立和人类解放斗争实践中,倡导、培育、形成的把传承中华民族精神与彰显共产党人革命精神有机结合,既体现无产阶级及其政党性质、宗旨,又富有广泛人民性的具有鲜明时代特征的群体精神风貌和道德情操。在各种因素综合作用下,使得延安时期培育生成了伟大的延安精神。  相似文献   
65.
《刑法》第二百零五条第四款对虚开增值税专用发票罪的客观行为方式进行了明文列举。其中,让他人为自己虚开,是立法上对必要共犯中的对向行为进行处罚的特别规定。介绍他人虚开,本属于虚开增值税专用发票的帮助行为,本条的规定是将共犯行为实行行为化,也应认为是一种特别规定。自然人介绍单位之间虚开增值税专用发票的,对自然人不应适用死刑。  相似文献   
66.
判断资源是否得到了合理的配置,需考虑供给与需求的关系。在供给有限的前提下,合理的资源配置决定着人们的需求能够在多大程度上得到满足。不合理的资源配置决策含浪费稀缺资源,降低需要被满足的程度。就矿业权来讲,它在取得时已经发生了大量的成本消耗,再加之资源存在的有限,若将之用于出资,既是封矿藏价值的尊重,又可实现价值利用的最大化。本文试从矿业权物权理论出发,阐述矿业权出资入股符合物尽其用原则的要求。  相似文献   
67.
决策思想是邓小平领导思想的重要组成部分。邓小平决策思想按其内在的逻辑顺序,可分为价值取向,目标取向和方法取向。价值取向是决策的前提和依据;目标取向是决策要达到的目标;方法取向是实施目标所采用的手段。3者缺一不可,共同构成了邓小平决策思想的完整体系。  相似文献   
68.
This article outlines an innovative project to encourage knowledge sharing and engagement between academics and a policy team within the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (PM&C). The project was designed to enhance policy advice by drawing on a group of academics outside the policy ranks to act as a sounding board, to question, and provide differing perspectives within the policy process of crafting advice to government. External expertise and particularly academic research has the potential to improve evidence‐based policy but often fails to be specific or timely for those at the “pointy end” of policy decision making. An informal knowledge sharing framework has the potential to improve the exchange of information through confidential and targeted conversations between researchers and public servants as one way of overcoming these barriers.  相似文献   
69.
This article explores the different ways governments express dissent in the Council of the European Union (EU) through ‘No’ votes, abstentions and recorded negative statements. A game-theoretical model is presented that studies voting behaviour and analyses how the national parliaments’ levels of control over their governments’ EU policies affect it. It is concluded that governments that are strongly controlled by their parliaments are not more likely to express dissent. However, when they do express dissent, they vote ‘No’ more often. Parliamentary control depends on the presence of formal oversight institutions as well as the motivation of parliamentarians to hold their governments accountable. Empirical support is found in an analysis of votes on 1,387 legislative proposals that represent more than a decade of Council decision making in the period 2004–2014. This article contributes to the discussion on the involvement of national parliaments in EU affairs, and clearly distinguishes the different forms of dissent in Council decision making.  相似文献   
70.
Self‐driving cars (also known as driverless cars, autonomous vehicles, and highly automated vehicles [HAVs]) will change the regulatory, political, and ethical frameworks surrounding motor vehicles. At the highest levels of automation, HAVs are operated by independent machine agents, making decisions without the direct intervention of humans. The current transportation system assumes human intervention though, including legal and moral responsibilities of human operators. Has the development of these artificial intelligence (AI) and autonomous system (AS) technologies outpaced the ethical and political conversations? This paper examines discussions of HAVs, driver responsibility, and technology failure to highlight the differences between how the policy‐making institutions in the United States (Congress and the Public Administration) and technology and transportation experts are or are not speaking about responsibility in the context of autonomous systems technologies. We report findings from a big data analysis of corpus‐level documents to find that enthusiasm for HAVs has outpaced other discussions of the technology.  相似文献   
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