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411.
Contagion theory, one of the most appealing explanations of women’s representation, posits that when small parties start actively promoting women candidates, larger parties will be incentivised to follow suit and contagion will eventually spread throughout the party system. In examining the diffusion of gender quotas in Spain and Portugal, this article revisits contagion theory and adopts a more comprehensive approach. The results suggest that diffusion is better captured when one takes into account that political parties not only react to electoral competition but also adapt to policy innovation through learning and emulation, whose effects are often shaped by intra-party factors. 相似文献
412.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(3):341-354
AbstractThis essay focuses on the ongoing references made to the ban on graven images for the foundation of political aesthetics. In this tradition the image itself plays a significant role in the creation of a dichotomy in which the image becomes either “icon” or false appearance. The image in this tradition is a powerful agent and gains as such performative power. From the Bible to Kant and German idealism to Adorno and Deleuze, the prohibition of the image signals its power and turns it into a strong magnet in political aesthetics, may it be affirmative or negative. 相似文献
413.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(2):147-162
Abstract The debate about the need to build social capital and to engage local communities in public policy has become a central issue in many advanced liberal societies and developing countries. In many countries new forms of governance have emerged out of a growing realization that representative democracy by itself is no longer sufficient. One of the most significant public policy trends in the United Kingdom has been the involvement of community organizations and their members in the delivery of national policy, mediated through local systems of governance and management. One such policy area is urban regeneration. Central Government now requires local authorities in England to set up Local Strategic Partnerships (LSPs) to bring together stakeholders who can prepare Community Strategies and deliver social and economic programmes which target areas of deprivation. This paper reviews the key institutional processes which must be addressed, such as representation, accountability and transformation. It then investigates three very different examples of LSPs based on interviews with key representatives. The paper concludes that political commitments to community engagement in civil society are always mediated through existing institutional arrangements. Thus attempts to change deep-seated political structures and power relationships require a commitment to increase representation as well as to transform the practices and repertoires of deliberation and action. 相似文献
414.
邵欢 《湖南公安高等专科学校学报》2011,23(6):86-89
《选举法》修正案增加了城乡居民选举人大代表"同权同票"的规定,但现阶段我国农民平等选举权的有效实现仍存在诸多制约因素,农村经济发展的相对滞后、部分农民参与意识薄弱、农民代表过少、流动人口的选举权处于两不着的状态和选举程序的缺失,都影响农民"同票同权"的实现。为有效实现农民平等选举权,可从以下几个方面推进:即大力发展农村经济,培养农民参与意识和权利意识,增加农民代表比例,改革户籍制度,完善选举程序。 相似文献
415.
Barbara Bennett Woodhouse 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2014,36(4):358-369
This article compares laws and policies in Italy and the US regarding children's right to be heard and to engage in the life of the community. Italy has adopted a strong children's rights perspective, informed by the principles of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). The US, with its pre-modern constitution and resistance to international law, has been slow to recognise children's rights to voice and agency. The US Supreme Court has extended some due process rights to children in criminal court proceedings, but the US lags far behind Italy in recognition of children's rights to participate in civic life and collective decision-making. Child well-being rankings may reflect these differences in attitudes towards children's rights. Italy ranks significantly higher than the US on objective measures of child well-being and Italian children report superior peer and family relationships. 相似文献
416.
Boyka Stefanova 《美中公共管理》2014,(1):14-22
This paper examines the nature and intensity of regional and ethnic minority demands on the example of voting preferences for ethnoregionalist parties in select regions across Europe. It argues that territorial distinctiveness and cultural identities are insufficient to explain minority demands for political representation. The political preferences of ethnoregional groups reflect overlapping and cross-cutting functional, territorial, and symbolic differences, which collectively form the determinants of electoral support for ethnoregionalist parties across Europe. The relative weight and additive effects of territorial and functional cleavages may vary according to national context but the pattern is consistent. The paper conducts cross-national comparison of representative territorial structures spanning across the West-East divide in European studies by including regional configurations in Western Europe (Scotland in the UK and Flanders in Belgium) and ethnic minorities in Eastern Europe (the Hungarian minority in Romania and the ethnic Turkish minority in Bulgaria). The findings suggest that ethnoregional groups do not necessarily pursue cultural distinctiveness and/or regional autonomy. They are also likely to seek representation and access to government based on socioeconomic status, ideology, and political attitudes. Ethnoregionalist demands for representation thus reflect the growing overlap between the territorial, cultural, and ideological aspects of political conflict. 相似文献
417.
Monica C. Schneider 《Journal of Political Marketing》2014,13(4):264-290
As a result of changes in the campaign landscape, candidates have several strategic options available to them, particularly when considering how to respond to voters’ gender stereotypes. The goal of this paper is to understand candidates’ use of strategies based on gender stereotypes by emphasizing either particular issues or particular traits that are commonly associated with one gender or the other. To do this, I developed hypotheses of why candidates might choose a trait or issues strategy based on gender stereotypes. I tested these hypotheses using a large-scale content analysis of candidate websites over four election cycles. I found that female candidates mostly pursued strategies that were consistent with gender stereotypes. Interestingly, female candidates were found to have different strategies on different pages of their websites. I discuss the implications of gender-based strategies for the election of female candidates and for representation. 相似文献
418.
RUTH FOX 《The Political quarterly》2012,83(4):749-753
At the current rate of progress it will be another century before parity of representation between men and women is achieved in the House of Commons. This article explores why and how legal guarantees may now be the best available route to secure equality of representation following the repeated failure of the political parties to deliver any significant improvement in numbers through their own preferred, voluntary mechanisms. It explores how the concepts of equality and political representation need to be recalibrated in order to place greater emphasis on democracy rather than meritocracy, and on outcomes as much as opportunities, and offers a broad outline of how a legislative guarantee might be structured and operate in practice. 相似文献
419.
Modest levels of female representation at the House of Commons are in sharp contrast to the Nordic‐levels of representation achieved in the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly for Wales since devolution in 1999. One apparent advantage of devolution is the opportunity that it provides for lesson‐learning across jurisdictions. This article offers six lessons on women's political representation—three positive and three negative—drawn from the experience of devolution in Scotland and Wales. We draw conclusions from these lessons, including the need to keep parties under scrutiny to ensure they deliver on their rhetorical commitments. We also postulate that gender equality might prove too important to be left to political parties and consider whether there is a need to consider stronger measures such as mandatory quotas. 相似文献
420.
国有资产所有权的代表与授权行使是我国国有资产法立法的核心内容之一,其关键问题在于“代表”与“授权”所具有的法律意义。国有资产所有权代表和授权行使的法律架构应为:国务院及地方政府代表国家行使国家所有权即对国家出资企业的出资人权利:国务院国有资产监督管理机构和地方人民政府按照国务院规定设立的国有资监督管理机构依法代表本级政府对国家出资企业行使出资人权利。 相似文献