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271.
This article examines how the partisan turnout bias (i.e. turnout rate differences across districts that are linked to the partisan vote shares in those districts) changes over time in PR districted electoral systems. We argue that the bias after the founding election is the unintended consequence of parties and voters' strategic behaviors when they respond to the incentives provided by the electoral system. By looking at the case of Portugal, one of the countries with the largest variation in district magnitude, we find that the increasing asymmetry in turnout rates across districts makes the bias more severe as time goes by.  相似文献   
272.
Joint crimes of abduction of and trafficking in women or children are quite common and frequent in judicial practice. Fetching or sending, as well as transferring, of a woman or a child is, in essence, a kind of accessory behavior. Therefore, a person who commits such behaviors shall be punished as an accomplice, except, provided that there are certain judicial interpretations, being punished as a principal criminal in accordance with the law. A person who, for the purpose of buying the victim, instigates or helps others to abduct and traffic in a woman or a child shall be punished with the severer crime in accordance with the principles of implicated offences; a person who, in the process of committing the joint crime of abduction of and trafficking in a woman or a child, transforms his/her intention and buys the abducted woman or child shall be punished in accordance with the principles of inclusive offences. A person, who conducts the role of a broker in the process of buying and selling a woman or a child, shall be punished as an accessory in accordance with the principles of joint crimes. In addition, a person, who is a practioner in a particular industry, jointly, together with the buyer or seller, commits the crime of abduction of and trafficking in women or children shall be punished with a certain crime or combinedly punished with for several crimes in accordance with the specific circumstances.  相似文献   
273.
当前青少年的网络交往行为、网络娱乐行为、网络信息搜集行为日益普遍,原因在于,网络提供了满足他们个性化需求的舞台空间,网络行为暂时缓解了他们来自现实世界中的挫折感和孤独感,但网络虚拟交往的片面性又给他们带来了新的认同危机和困惑,这种危机直接影响到他们身心的健康成长和发展。文章以社会心理学对网络行为和自我认同感研究为理论基础,对青少年的网络行为和自我认同感之间的关系进行初步探讨。  相似文献   
274.
被害人过错行为的成立要件包括主体为被害人、主观具有过错、客观上实施了过错行为、过错行为与犯罪结果有直接或间接的因果关系等;实践中被害人的过错行为具有一定的普遍性;被害人的过错行为可分为罪错行为、重大过错和一般过错行为。被害人过错的程度不同,其刑法意义也不相同;借鉴国外立法,应将被害人过错行为酌定情节法定化。  相似文献   
275.
恰当地定义行政文化,影响到行政文化基本理论的发展,也影响到行政文化的建设。学者们给出的行政文化定义在方法或内容上存在诸多缺憾。鉴于此,有必要重新厘定行政文化的概念。  相似文献   
276.
Previous studies regarding the relationship of the family environment to children's involvement in bully/victim problems at school primarily focused on children's perceptions of family dimensions. No studies were known using data from multiple reporters within 1 family (parents and children) on family characteristics of bully/victim problems. The aim of this study was to investigate differences between families of victims, bullies, bully/victims, and noninvolved children on family functioning, child-rearing practices, and problem-solving strategies in hypothetical conflict situations and perception differences between children and their parents on those dimensions. The findings revealed important perception differences between children and their parents, with parents holding up a more positive picture of their family. Important differences between families of bullies, victims, and bully/victims were documented looking at the family functioning and parent–child interactions from the perspective of the children. In contrast, almost no differences between the groups were observed if parents' reports were considered. Discussion leads to suggestions for further antibullying interventions at the school.  相似文献   
277.
我国新近通过的《中华人民共和国治安管理处罚法》与《中华人民共和国治安管理处罚条例》相比较,明显赋予了公安机关更多更大的治安管理处罚权和强制权。与此同时,在有关这些权力的行使方面则又规定了一系列重要制度加以严格规范。加强对公安机关治安管理处罚权和强制权的配置,意在有效控制治安违法行为;而规范公安机关权力的运用,则是要防范公安机关违法行使治安处罚权和强制权,侵害公民的合法权益。由此,该项立法的价值取向并不是单一的,而是有效控制违法行为与切实维护公民合法权益的统一。  相似文献   
278.
陈水扁上台以来,台湾的政治危机频繁发生,陈水扁在应对危机的过程中表现出的心理和行为模式值得分析。陈水扁在政治社会化过程中形成的政治意象会对其心理认知产生影响。陈水扁应对政治危机的心理认知模式包括“权力傲慢的心理认知”、“缺乏安全感的心理认知”、“机会主义的心理认知”等。他的主要行为模式是“静观其变—凝聚内部—煽动对立—获利妥协”。陈水扁应对政治危机的心理与行为模式会对他的政治人格、台湾政局和两岸关系产生一定的影响。  相似文献   
279.
Sexual behaviors and attitudes of female adolescents were studied as a function of age of boyfriend. Boyfriend's age was dichotomized: similar-aged was defined as within 2 years of the girls' age; older aged was 3 or more years older than the girl. A school-based, ethnically diverse sample of 9th-grade girls (N = 146) who had been in a serious romantic relationship was surveyed on 5 dimensions of sexual attitudes, 2 classes of sexual motives, 7 normative sexual behaviors, and 3 types of risky sexual practices. Results showed that in terms of behavior, girls with older boyfriends were more likely than girls with similar-aged boyfriends to engage in all forms of sexual intimacy, to have sex under the influence of alcohol or drugs, and to experience sexual coercion. In terms of sexual attitudes, girls with older boyfriends were more likely to endorse beliefs that guys are sexually driven, that sex just happens and is spontaneous, and that sex is related to maturity. These results are discussed in terms of a potential power differential that emerges when girls date older boys.  相似文献   
280.
A dual processing model of sexual harassment judgments predicted that the behavior of a complainant in a prior case would influence evaluations in an unrelated subsequent case. In the first of two experimental scenarios depicting social-sexual conduct at work, the female complainant's conduct was manipulated to be aggressive, submissive, ambiguous, or neutral. Half of the participants were asked to reflect upon the first scenario after reading it and before answering responsibility questions. The other half simply reviewed the scenario and answered the questions. When the complainant acted aggressively, her behavior in the first scenario caused men who reflected on the fact pattern to find less evidence of harassment. Most interestingly, an aggressive complainant observed in the first scenario caused participants (especially women) to rate lower the likelihood that a neutral complainant in a second independent case was the victim of gender discrimination. Across cases, men found less evidence of harassment than did women.  相似文献   
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