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921.
In democratic societies there is a tension between maximizing ballot access and minimizing voter fraud. Since the 2000 presidential election, this tension has been central to discussions about election reform at the national, state, and local level. We examine this tension by focusing on the implementation of voter identification laws in one state that has experienced significant issues in recent elections, and that is currently implementing election reform: New Mexico. We hypothesize that Hispanic voters are more likely to show some form of identification than other types of voters. Using a voter data set from New Mexico's First Congressional District in the 2006 election, we find that Hispanic, male and Election Day voters are more likely to show some form of identification than non-Hispanic, female and early voters. In addition, using an overlapping study of Bernalillo County 2006 poll workers, which almost entirely overlaps with the First Congressional District, we find no evidence that differences in poll worker partisanship or ethnicity produce differences in voter identification procedures. Our findings suggest that broad voter identification laws, which may be applied unequally, may be perceived as discriminatory.  相似文献   
922.
It is generally held that individuals vote for the party that most closely aligns with their preferences, yet previous research identifies numerous factors which lead individuals to stray from the proximity logic. To shed light on this phenomenon, I examine proximity voting from a comparative perspective. Results from a multilevel model indicate that several individual- and election-level factors affect the likelihood of a proximity vote. I also find proximity voting to occur less in countries where political variation is not well-captured by a single dimension. These findings shed light on the bases of proximity voting and add to the general understanding of the nature of voting behavior.  相似文献   
923.
Over the last two decades a number of theoretical perspectives have emphasized the growing phenomenon of extremist political challenges. These challenges come from two main sources: largely secular radical right-wing populism and religious fundamentalism. Yet the relationship between the two is still theoretically and empirically limited. Researchers have usually limited their discussion to only one of the phenomena, ignoring the fact that despite the basic distinction between the two (i.e., secular versus religious orientation), the literature points to many commonalities. This article takes up the challenge by analyzing the predictive power of socioeconomic, ideological, and security threat factors on voting behavior for populist radical right (PRR) parties and for religious fundamentalist (RF) parties. Data collected following the Israeli parliamentary election of 2003 (N = 808) offer a challenge to the conventional, secular wisdom of right-wing extremism. The radical right party family is multifaceted with at least two flanks – a hawkish nationalist flank on the one hand, and a ‘faith-based’ radical flank on the other. Implications of these distinctions for voting behavior scholars and radical right-wing scholars are discussed.  相似文献   
924.
恐怖主义相关行为是一个行为系统,主要包括核心行为和各种相关的辅助行为。本文通过对恐怖主义组织、恐怖主义分子直接、间接实施的恐怖活动以及相关辅助行为的分析,以期为具体的恐怖主义性质案件的调查以及彻底摧毁恐怖主义组织的存在基础、抓获恐怖主义分子提供有益的帮助。  相似文献   
925.
We examine the extent to which parental antisocial behavior is related to child antisocial behavior and, if it is, the extent to which the effect is mediated by parental stressors and by parenting behaviors. In particular, we examine two sources of stress–depressive symptoms and exposure to negative life events. The study is based on data from the Rochester Intergenerational Study, a prospective multi-generation panel study. The parent sample is 73% male and 27% female and predominantly African American (69%); the child sample consists of each parent’s oldest biological child. We find significant levels of intergenerational continuity in antisocial behavior for mothers and for fathers who live with or supervise their child, but not for fathers who have low levels of contact with their child. Results of structural equation models of mediating pathways are similar for mothers and for supervisory fathers. Of the two stressors we examine, depressive symptoms appears to be the more consistent mediator. It, both directly and indirectly via its impact on parenting behaviors, influences the child’s early onset of antisocial behavior. The results imply that childhood antisocial behavior has deep roots, extending back to the parent’s adolescent development.
Terence P. ThornberryEmail:
  相似文献   
926.
Links between living in a partner-violent home and subsequent aggressive and antisocial behavior are suggested by the “cycle of violence” hypothesis derived from social learning theory. Although there is some empirical support, to date, findings have been generally limited to cross-sectional studies predominantly of young children, or retrospective studies of adults. We address this issue with prospective data from the Rochester Youth Development Study (RYDS), an ongoing longitudinal investigation of the development of antisocial behavior in a community sample of 1,000 urban youth followed from age 14 to adulthood. The original panel included 68% African American, 17% Hispanic, and 15% White participants, and was 72.9% male, and 27.1% female. Measures come from a combination of sources including interviews with parents, interviews with youth, and official records. We test the general hypothesis that there is a relationship between living in partner-violent homes during adolescence, and later antisocial behavior and relationship violence. Employing logistic regression and controlling for related covariates, including child physical abuse, we find a significant relationship between exposure to parental violence and adolescent conduct problems. The relationship between exposure to parental violence and measures of antisocial behavior and relationship aggression dissipates in early adulthood, however, exposure to severe parental violence is significantly related to early adulthood violent crime, and intimate partner violence. Our results suggest that exposure to severe parental violence during adolescence is indeed consequential for violent interactions in adulthood.
Timothy O. IrelandEmail:

Timothy O. Ireland   is Professor and Chair of the Criminology and Criminal Justice Department at Niagara University. He holds a Ph.D. degree from the School of Criminal Justice at University at Albany. He conducts research in areas of child maltreatment, family violence, theory development in criminology, and crime in public housing. Carolyn A. Smith   is Professor of Social Welfare in the School of Social Welfare, University at Albany. She holds a M.S·W. degree from The University of Michigan and a Ph.D. degree from the School of Criminal Justice at University at Albany. She has international social work practice experience in child and family mental health and in delinquency intervention. Her primary research interest is in the family etiology of delinquency and other problem behaviors, and most recently, the impact of family violence on the life course.  相似文献   
927.
我国农地管理的主体行为与博弈分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
我国现行的农地管理未能达到预期的效果,其核心原因在于宏观政策缺乏微观执行基础.基于此,分析了农地管理主体(包括中央政府、地方政府和村集体)的行为,并探讨了农地管理中不同主体之间的利益博弈、不同管理主体的行为变化对各主体利益的影响以及由此引发的农民的利益变化.利用博弈论分析方法建立了三个主体的博弈分析模型.首先从子博弈分析出发,分析中央政府与地方政府在农地管理中的博弈过程,其次分析地方政府与农民集体利益的代表——村集体的博弈分析,最后建立三个主体的主博弈模型.研究发现:在农地管理过程中,地方政府间联合与中央政府博弈的可能性不大,因而通过自上而下的政府规制,白下而上做实农地管理的微观主体——包括明确农民的使用权益、提高农民的市场地位,有利于消除农地管理中的寻租行为,提高农地管理的效率.  相似文献   
928.
对盗窃信用卡并使用的行为如何定性在刑法学界存在着较多的争论。盗窃信用卡并使用的行为的定性应当具体情况具体分析,在刑法中并没有对此予以硬性规定的必要。  相似文献   
929.
Does highlighting socioeconomic policy considerations or mainstream parties’ government competence reduce support for populist radical right (PRR) parties? Such “defuse” messages may attract PRR voters without alienating mainstream parties’ core electorate and thus, have advantages over an accommodative strategy. This study tests four “defuse” messages in an original survey experiment on a sample of 1,786 likely PRR voters in the context of the 2017 German federal election. The findings show that potential PRR voters are hardly swayed by these messages. This result is in notable contrast to findings from prior experimental studies about the malleability of PRR support. Exploratory analyses suggest that some of these null findings may mask heterogeneities. Both respondents who were surveyed during the first days of fieldwork and those with less political knowledge responded to some treatments in the expected way. Overall, these findings point to a limited responsiveness of PRR voters to “defuse” messages.  相似文献   
930.
The primary objective of the present study is to identify the antecedents of voter loyalty, with a particular focus on the mediating role of party attachment in the relationship between inner-self, social-self, trust, and loyalty. Using a convenience sampling method, the data for this study were gathered from a sample of 750 voters residing in a developing European country, Turkey. The collected data were analyzed using confirmatory factor analyses and structural equation modeling. The results of the study demonstrate that significant and positive relationships exist between the aforementioned antecedents (i.e., inner-self, social-self, trust, and party attachment) and voter loyalty. Additionally, the findings suggest that party attachment acts as a mediator between the antecedents and loyalty. Drawing on these results and the existing literature on voter behavior and practice, the authors discuss methodological, theoretical, and practical implications for inner-self, social-self, trust, and party attachment.  相似文献   
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