用加强职工代表队伍建设来增益民主管理的活力

金耀集团多年来努力用加强职工代表队伍建设来增益民主管理的活力,其主要做法,一是健全职工代表工作制度;二是发挥双引擎驱动的载体作用;三是发挥职工代表的带动作用;四是创新职工代表质询工作。     

Party nationalization following democratization: modelling change in turbulent times

Which political parties grow more or less statically nationalized in the immediate aftermath of a democratic transition? What accounts for these changes? This is the first broadly cross-national analysis of this dimension of stabilization of the democratic regime. It uses a sample of 64 moderate and large political parties from 19 countries in South Europe and Latin America. In the first stage of the analysis, I use growth curve models on panels of district-level, lower house, election results to test each party for changes in static nationalization. Results show that 41% of the cases grow more nationalized, about 22% grow less nationalized, and the rest show no evidence of change. Then, I test explanations of increasing static nationalization derived from (a) the competitive context; (b) the institutional context; and (c) the social structural context. I find that parties become more nationalized when (a) they are jointly programmatic and in government, and the party system is less fragmented; (b) the political system is centralized and a presidential election is concurrent; and (c) society is less ethnically fragmented. Finally, I confirm that more statically nationalized parties are associated with a higher quality of democracy.     

论执政党依法执政

无产阶级政党在执政后,如何治国理政才能真正使人民当家作主,实现国家长治久安,并没有成功经验可资借鉴。在执政三十年后,鉴于国际国内正反两方面的经验教训,中国共产党提出了加强党的执政能力建设的科学命题,党的领导方式、执政方式发生了科学转变,依法执政成为新的历史条件下中国共产党探索治国理政方式的历史性选择。如何认识依法执政是社会主义政党制度趋于完善的鲜明标志,如何把握治国基本方略与执政方式的内在必然联系,对社会主义民主政治建设总体目标的实现,坚定沿着中国特色社会主义道路实现现代化和中华民族的伟大复兴,具有鲜明的时代价值和深远的历史意义。     

中央企业工资协商民主机制研究

工资集体协商法律制度实施二十多年来,职工工资增长缓慢和分配差距过大问题并未得到解决,反呈越来越严重之势;借鉴西方工资集体协商制度,这在我国并未取得预期效果。中央企业应与中国特色社会主义社会制度相适应,悉心探索建立一种工资协商民主机制。     

做好机关职工民主管理工作的若干思考

当前机关职工民主管理工作,存在着认识上不到位、操作层面制度设计不完善、活力不足等问题.今后应进一步加强党的领导,进一步完善其工作机制,进一步丰富和发展职工民主管理工作的内容与实现形式,进一步提高职工参与的能力与水平.     

Public–Private Partnerships in Urban Regeneration: Democratic Legitimacy and its Relation with Performance and Trust

Public-private entities set up specifically to manage and implement urban regeneration projects have been observed across several nations. In these urban regeneration partnerships, public and private partners often work together to improve languishing neighbourhoods. One of the core ideas driving the establishment of these partnerships is that, in order to more effectively tackle the challenging regeneration process, these organisations should function at arm's length from the political institutions that oversee them.

A specific question concerning these partnerships is how representative mechanisms work and how the partnership process is linked to traditional representative bodies or in other ways is connected to principles of democratic legitimacy. This paper explores the so-called democratic legitimacy of urban regeneration companies, as a form of public–private partnership, in more detail. It makes a distinction between three types of democratic legitimacy: accountability, voice, and due deliberation. Using material from a survey among managers of urban regeneration companies (URCs) in The Netherlands, this paper examines the impact of these three forms of democratic legitimacy on outcomes and trust of these URCs.

The results show a fairly strong correlation between some criteria of democratic legitimacy, especially due deliberation on the one hand and performance and trust on the other hand.     

Length of independence and democratic failure

This article takes as a point of departure a well-known but rarely tested assumption in the literature on state-building and democratisation, namely that democratic regimes in newly established states are politically unstable. When states take their first steps as independent entities, the state-building process is often incomplete, the political institutions fragile and democratic routines yet to be established. However, with increasing years of independence, these democratic shortcomings are expected to be remedied. This makes it reasonable to assume that the likelihood of democratic failure decreases with increasing years as an independent state. Based on an extensive empirical data set, the conclusion was reached that there is indeed a negative relationship between the length of independence and democratic failure and that this association is insensitive to the period in time when the countries received their independence. Furthermore, the results suggest that the length of democratic rule has a positive impact on democratic stability. However, this pattern is detectable only in states created after 1946.     

泰国政党模式的变迁与民主巩固

西方学者在界定民主巩固内涵时主要存在3种路径:政治制度路径、民主文化路径和多元综合路径。政治制度路径的理论家强调政党的作用,民主文化路径的理论家强调公民社会的作用,而多元综合路径则试图在两者之间折衷。1997年泰国宪法及之后的泰爱泰党的兴起为泰国第二波民主化之后的民主巩固创造了条件。然而,泰爱泰党并没有专心于群众型政党的建设,而跨越式地去学习全方位政党、卡特尔政党和商业公司型政党的经验和特征。这一学习模式在促使泰爱泰党迅速崛起的同时,也埋下之后在喧嚣中退场的隐患。泰爱泰党的政党学习实践反映出后发国家的一种学习困境,也揭示了政党模式的次序变迁与民主巩固之间的密切关联。     

Comparing Conditions for Quality Peace:Contemporary East Asia v. Post-WarWestern Europe *

: This article deals with two of the strongest conclusions from generalstudies on the causes as well as absence of interstate war: the importance of territorialdisputes and the significance of regime type. The first is termed the “territorial peace”hypothesis; the second is known in the literature as the “democratic peace” proposition.This article discusses if these two issues have to be settled prior to the building ofquality peace between states that have a history of war among them. These findingsare used to analyze the actual Western European experience since World War II andthen relating this to the East Asian situation today. In this way this article also points toimportant differences. Still, the territorial issues take on particular role if the East Asianregion is to move towards more durable and positive conditions, what might constituteingredients of quality peace. At that moment, also Real politik concerns enter theequation.     

从“民主和平论”看民主与和平的关系

“民主和平论”认为 :民主国家间没有或很少发生战争 ,“非民主国家”是战争的根源 ,扩大民主是维护和平的必然要求。“民主和平论”并不符合历史事实 ,它是推行人权外交的新干涉主义的理论基础。民主与和平之间的关系是复杂的 :国际社会的和平不仅需要一国内部的民主 ,更需要国际生活中的民主 ;民主只是影响国际和平众多原因中的一个 ,它对和平的影响是有限的 ;“民主和平论”主张建立的和平本质上是建立在不合理的国际政治、经济旧秩序基础之上的西方国家之间的局部和平 ,世界总体和平的巩固和公正、合理的国际新秩序的建立呼唤新的民主