发展中国家社会养老金兴起原因和实施效果分析

非缴费型社会养老金,也称社会养老金,和缴费型养老金几乎同时诞生,但前者的发展一直相对滞后。在20世纪90年代之前,社会养老金在发展中国家的普及程度远远落后于发达国家。本研究采用文献法,基于HelpAge International的全球社会养老金数据,分析了自20世纪90年代以来非缴费型社会养老金在发展中国家的发展趋势、兴起原因和减贫效果,并结合发展中国家实施社会养老金的经验,为我国城乡居民养老保险制度未来改革和完善提出了建议。首先,根据本国情况选择适宜的制度模式;其次,应关注制度的长期可持续性,本着持续渐进的原则,逐步提高保障力度;最后,通过合理的制度设计来减少社会养老金负激励效应。     

Global Renewable Electricity Policy: A Comparative Policy Analysis of Countries by Income Status

Although the drivers of renewable electricity (RE) are well-established among Western high-income countries, little is known about the factors that encourage RE development elsewhere. This paper analyzes an unprecedented, original dataset of 149 countries from 1990 to 2010 to compare the policy instruments and other factors that influence RE adoption across low-, middle-, and high-income countries. We find the factors driving RE development vary both across income group and between hydroelectric and non-hydro generation. Most notably for environmental concerns, non-hydroelectric RE generation is driven by feed-in-tariffs and renewable portfolio standards in high-income countries, feed-in tariffs alone in middle-income countries, and by subsidies in low-income countries. Non-policy drivers of RE also vary by country income level.     

Foreign aid,democracy, and gender quota laws

Why do so many developing countries have gender quota policies? This article argues that foreign aid programmes influence developing countries to adopt policies aimed at fulfilling international norms regarding gender equality. This relationship is driven by two causal mechanisms. On the one hand, countries may use gender quotas as a signal to improve their standing in the international hierarchy, possibly as an end unto itself, but more likely as a means towards ensuring future aid flows. On the other, countries may adopt gender quotas as a result of successful foreign aid interventions specifically designed to promote women’s empowerment. I test these two causal mechanisms using data on foreign aid commitments to 173 non-OECD countries from 1974 to 2012. The results suggest that while programmes targeting women’s empowerment may have some influence on quota adoption, developing countries dependent on United States foreign aid are also likely to use gender quotas as signalling devices rather than as a result of ongoing liberalization efforts.     

中韩两国在制造业的合作前景分析

在中韩两国的竞争关系日趋增强的今天,仍然存在产业合作的巨大空间。中韩两国的产业合作是以实现共赢为目的的,可能的合作领域包括韩国的制造企业与中国的原材料和零部件制造企业之间稳定的合作关系的建立、企业之间的共同开发以及在反对贸易保护主义、减少过剩生产能力、形成世界标准等方面。     

迈向法治新世纪 展望法学大趋势

21世纪是一个法治的世纪 ,也必将是一个法学大发展的世纪 ;参加本篇笔谈的 2 0余位学者 ,从各自不同的法学学科领域 ,以多方位的研究视角 ,展望了新世纪法治的未来走向和法学的发展趋势 ,提出了中国法制建设和中国法学研究正面临的许多新课题。     

发展中国家与GATT/WTO反倾销立法

本文将发展中国家参与ＧＡＴＴ／ＷＴＯ反倾销立法的过程分为三个阶段,其在ＷＴＯ的反倾销立法中的影响力与发达国家趋向平衡,但并非他们关心的所有问题在乌拉圭回合反倾销协议中都有所体现。从维护发展中国家的利益考虑应进一步修订国际反倾销协议。     

再论实现农业可持续发展

要实现我国的可持续发展,关键是实现农业的可持续发展,没有农业的可持续发展,就不可能有整个国民经济的可持续发展.实现农业可持续发展面临诸多矛盾,需采取有效措施加以解决.     

Enhancing Public Accountability for Developing Countries: Major Constraints and Strategies

Many Asian countries are attempting to promote public accountability as a part of public-sector reform, but their situation remains unsatisfactory compared to advanced countries. Except for a few, many Asian developing countries are still struggling with political and socioeconomic weaknesses. Indeed, the nature of public sector reform in many Asian developing countries differs substantially from that of advanced countries. Furthermore, the concept of accountability is not interpreted equally throughout the world. Accordingly, the purpose of this article is to review the major constraints to enhancing public accountability in Asian developing countries and to discuss major strategies to promote such accountability from the perspective of developing countries. This article first reviews the concept of accountability and its development, followed by discussion of constraints in enhancing public accountability and public sector reform, key measures to enhance public accountability, and implications and conclusions.     

Access Online: Internet Governance and Image in Cuba

This article examines the restrictions on internet access in Cuba and asks to what extent the lack of access to the World Wide Web has helped to maintain (with some evident changes), the socialist status quo on the island. The article will also examine how the internet is used to represent the nation externally and ultimately argues that the Cuban government is negotiating a fine line between taking full economic advantage of what the internet can offer and hampering its use as a mechanism for the subversion of the Revolution in the face of continued US aggression.     

环境法认识论上的四个“风向标”

法学界尤其是环境法学界在对环境法的基本目标、逻辑基础、基本定位、价值追求这四个方面的认识问题上存在着较大的分歧.即:环境法是以生态环境保护为目标的法,还是以经济发展为目标的法?是以权力为逻辑基点构建的法,还是以权利为逻辑基点构建的法?是只以当代人的利益为本位的法,还是也包括以未来世代人的利益为本位的法?是以人类利益中心主义为核心价值观的法,还是以生态利益整体主义为核心价值观的法,还是以相对人类利益中心主义兼顾生态整体利益为核心价值观的法?尽管目前世界环境保护活动带有社会实验的性质,但这四个认识上的分歧在相当程度上影响着环境法的未来发展方向或路径,因而成为影响或决定环境法未来发展方向或路径的四个“风向标”.就这四个“风向标”而言,环境法应该是以生态环境保护为基本目标的法、以公民环境权为逻辑基点构建起来的法、以当代与未来世代人的利益为本位的法以及以相对人类利益中心主义兼顾生态整体利益为核心价值观的法.