The limits of economic globalization in East Asian developmental states

Abstract

In an attempt to adjust to economic globalization or internationalization, East Asian developmental states have liberalized their domestic economic systems, accelerating the introduction of the free‐market ideology. Despite their plan to establish the internationally compatible open‐market economy, however, the extent to which they can advance economic liberalization is limited. Political and economic burdens that the developmental state's extensive intervention in the market has incurred in the course of state‐led mercantile economic development, make it impossible for those states to execute full‐scale economic liberalization. The South Korean case clearly shows this. The Korean developmental state retains two major economic burdens: the exclusive ownership and the poor financial structure of the chaebôl. Insofar as Korean big business preserves those weak spots, the government cannot surrender the power of regulation despite its spontaneous implementation of the economic liberalization policy. In addition, the common ‘egoistic’ interests which government bureaucrats and the political class share also limit the degree to which economic liberalization policy can be implemented. The degree of state intervention in the market in Korea has been deeper than that in Japan which pioneered Asian developmental statism, and, thus, the political and economic burdens it has incurred for itself are heavier. Consequently, the East Asian developmental state cannot entirely withdraw its intervention in the market. The ‘support’ of industries is likely to diminish, but ‘regulation’ for the formation of the autonomous market will increase. For the Korean developmental state, globalization and economic liberalization are political economic slogans to re‐launch economic growth and to elevate the international economic competitiveness of industries under the initiative of the state, and motivated by nationalistic reasons. Hence, the role of the state in the market is still far from becoming redundant even in the tide of globalization and economic liberalization in the case of South Korea, where the legacy of strong developmental statism remains considerable.     

信息化助推兴农惠民——广东省汕头市潮南区东华村发展模式调查

该文分析了东华村在推进新农村建设进程中,坚持走科技兴农、信息兴农之路,以农业农村综合信息服务站为平台,发展农业信息化的历程,总结发展模式并分析了现有农村信息化建设中存在的困难和问题,并提出相关建议。     

中央集权驱动、地方分级响应与政府间合作的机理:基于京津冀的实证阐释

区域性棘手问题和相互依赖的增加凸显政府间合作治理的现实需要。不过,行政分权、财政分权和晋升锦标赛体制意味着地方自主性增长与区域协同发展之间的紧张。深入行政体系内部挖掘区域政府间合作的真实过程和内在机理成为亟待解决的问题。中央政治权威旨在打破地方保护主义的体制藩篱;地方高层通过“政治表态”积极回应中央的战略部署;地方中层因不变的压力型体制和目标责任制依旧关注地方利益和部门利益;地方基层在目标责任体系中存在支撑能力不足问题。结果,地方政府和政府部门主要根据成本收益分级分部门响应。为提升政府间合作的有效性,相关的改革选项包括根据城市功能定位建立差异化的政绩考核和区域财税激励兼容机制,明确将区域协同发展的职责赋予特定政府层级,建立多样性的非正式制度以积累政府间合作的信任资本,充分发挥市场机制和社会力量的作用。     

发展—安全互动演进的区域逻辑：以湄公河下游区域为例

发展—安全联结是国际安全领域的重大课题,它们的互动关系深刻影响着全球秩序与安全事态,这在"区域"这一国际互动与研究的关键层面尤其显著。通过引入"发展"这一关键变量,提供一个包括"发展"在内的"区域发展—安全复合体"分析框架,探究发展区域主义在区域安全与互动演进中的角色作用。湄公河下游区域是东亚发展—安全复合体塑造与演进的典型案例,通过各种发展合作活动,该区域的发展—安全复合体实现了从初级到深入的演变,从安全互动主导的"战争前线"转变为发展与安全和谐互促的"商业走廊"。在这一过程中,发展区域主义起着关键的能动作用,在物质、制度、文化等方面改变着区域的互动与结构,也造就了湄公河下游区域发展—安全复合体复合中心性与多元性、兼顾开放性与自主性以及在规范性与灵活性间寻求和谐的特征。     

Are Risky Youth Less Protectable as They Age? The Dynamics of Protection during Adolescence and Young Adulthood

Research on recidivism in criminal justice and desistance in criminology are not integrated. Yet, both fields are moving towards models that look at how positive elements in a person’s environment can impact a person’s behavior, conditional on different levels of risk. This study builds on this observation by applying interactional theory and the concept of Risk–Needs–Responsivity to theorize that both Needs and Responsivity will change over time in predictable ways. We then use a novel empirical approach with the Rochester Youth Development Study to show that even in late adolescence, individuals who are at risk for violence can be protected from future violence and risky behavior like gun carrying with positive events in their environment and personal life. In young adulthood, fewer people are still at risk for violence, and those who are at risk are harder to protect from future violence and gun carrying.     

Shifting the debate on land reform,poverty and inequality in Zimbabwe,an engagement with Zimbabwe's Land Reform: Myths and Realities 1

Zimbabwe's land reform: myths and realities 2 2. Zimbabwe's Land Reform: Myths and Realities by Ian Scoones, Nelson Marongwe, Blasio Mavedzenge, Jacob Mahenehene, Felix Murimbarimba and Crispen Sukume, Woodbridge, Suffolk, James Currey, 2010, 304 pp., ISBN 9781847010247. purports to overturn the western media and academy's ‘myths’ of agrarian failure and cronyism in Zimbabwe's fast-track land reform with a study rooted in the ‘reality’ of its outcomes in the Masvingo area. Yet the positivist picture painted by Scoones, Marongwe, Mavedzenge, Mahenehene, Murimbarimba, and Sukume is another position in portrayals of a complex process entangling many local material struggles–including those seen as successful examples of the yeomanry admired by the authors–with the equally important processes of authoritarian nationalism they side-line. ‘Myth making’ is not counter to ‘reality’, but positions particular claims within it. By concentrating on the ‘local’ and celebrating what they see as non-technocratic successes, the authors ignore the context and politics of the state–which they later invoke to develop adequate supportive policy and stability for the new farmers. Their reality ignores as much as the myths they try to challenge, and thus fails to assist to develop the policies they would like.     

坚持和平发展,果决反制挑衅——对南海问题的一点思考

中国必须坚持和平发展的战略,因为它符合中国的国家战略利益,也符合中国人民和世界人民的根本利益。同时,中国也必须果决反制菲、越的侵略挑衅行为。因为这是捍卫中国国家主权的需要,也是制止侵略行为、防止南海问题进一步复杂化失控化、捍卫南海和平的需要。果决反制挑衅,不仅不与我国的和平发展战略相冲突,反而是对我国和平发展战略的有力维护。     

中国式转型:制度演进的一种诠释

本文力图从多视角把中国转型作为一个整体过程揭示其成功的内在逻辑,指出其独特的政治与以发展为取向的渐进式改革相结合推动着中国的社会转型,并由此尝试性提出中国式转型概念。     

LIFE SPAN OFFENDING TRAJECTORIES OF A DUTCH CONVICTION COHORT*

The aim of this paper is to describe the development of criminal behavior from early adolescence to late adulthood based on conviction data for a sample of Dutch offenders. Measuring over an age span of 12 to 72, we ask whether there is evidence for (1) criminal trajectories that are distinct in terms of time path, (2) a small group of persistent offenders, (3) criminal trajectories that are distinct in the mix of crimes committed, or, more specifically, persistent offenders disproportionately engaging in violent offences, and (4) different offender groups having different social profiles in life domains other than crime. The analysis is based on the conviction histories of the Dutch offenders in the Criminal Career and Life Course Study. Four trajectory groups were identified using a semi‐parametric, group‐based model: sporadic offenders, low‐rate desisters, moderate‐rate desisters and high‐rate persisters. Analyses show that high‐rate persisters engage in crime at a very substantial rate, even after age 50. Compared to other trajectory groups the high‐rate persistent trajectory group disproportionately engages in property crimes rather than violent crimes. Also, these distinct trajectories are found to be remarkably similar across age cohorts.     

美国女子高校评介

自20世纪70年代以来,作为美国多样化教育体系中不可忽视的教育资源之一的女子高校受到诸多学者的关注。学者们通过实证研究,证明了女子高校对于培养女性人才发挥着重要作用。本文从女子高校的历史起源、发展阶段、教育特色等方面探讨了女子高校所起的作用。