Preventing radicalisation through dialogue? Self-securitising narratives versus reflexive conflict dynamics

Critical scholarship has warned against basing the prevention of terrorism on a concept of ‘radicalisation’ which implies that violence is inherent to Islam, but various approaches disagree on how to base the critique. This article argues for reading counter-radicalisation policies as narratives in order to identify their potential in terms of conflict escalation. Analysis of the official Danish counter-radicalisation action plan, reactions to it, and reactions to the reactions finds that criticism from the targets of the policy and engaged scholars based on attention to conflict dynamics has had some success in modifying policy from securitising to governing risk. Nevertheless, the potential for re-securitisation remains.     

Concepts of dialogue as counterterrorism: narrating the self-reform of the Muslim Other

Since 9/11, the terrorist is often awarded the position of the radical Other: the personified existential threat to the West. The counterterrorism strategy presented by the Danish government describes itself as covering a ‘broad spectrum’ of efforts. It includes an ‘active foreign policy’ in relation to the Muslim world and an ‘active integration policy’ in relation to Muslim migrants. Both inside and outside the nation-state, efforts range from ‘hard power’ security strategies of elimination and control involving military, police and intelligence operations, to ‘soft power’ strategies of information, partnerships and dialogue. This article analyses Danish counterterrorism policy narratives to identify the concepts of dialogue implied and the positions awarded to less-than-radical Muslim Others. This article finds that Muslims might – especially after the Danish Muhammad cartoon affair – in counterterrorism dialogue find a position for talking back, even if it is still a position circumscribed by control and securitisation.     

The Belarusian Orthodox Church in the Shadow of the State

The Orthodox Church in Belarus tries to speak out in support of the state and at the same time uphold its own values. It can be effective in upholding its own values only if it participates in public dialogue.     

PEOPLE

正"Although New Year’s concerts should help create a happy atmosphere,we wanted to bring something new to the audience.Fore xample,Strauss’ An der Schonen Blauen Donau can be     

中日双边互动的战略性思考

中国的和谐世界理念与日本外交战略的互动,表现为两国战略分歧与战略对话并存:中国坚持走和平发展道路与日本"普通国家论"阐释的大国化战略路径相异,导致两国业已存续的冲突与纷争时有显现、结构性矛盾日益突出,因而构筑基于共同战略利益的互惠关系成为发展双边关系的战略选择。寻求中日双边良性互动,要将两国关系置于国际体系的坐标中进行战略定位,在考量构建中日战略互惠关系相关因素的基础上,突破既往双边关系的局限性,理性调控中日战略互惠关系的互动及走向。     

法庭论辩的对话框架分析

法庭论辩的对话过程发生在具有观点冲突的双方当事人与调解和判决此冲突的中立的第三方。为了保证论辩能顺利进行,可通过设立对话论辩的条件、论辩规则,从而为当事人双方创造平等诉讼的条件,提供可靠的程序保障。在对话过程中,控辩双方提出主张、反驳、辩护和撤回主张,并且对支持自己的主张或反对对方的主张提出论证,而审方监视双方当事人是否遵守程序规则,通过证据是否被采纳来规定论辩范围、分配举证责任、调整次序和终止论辩。     

中国参与东亚多边安全合作及其理论分析——以东亚多边安全对话机制为例

冷战后,东亚地区兴起了以各种多边安全对话机制为代表的多边安全合作模式。中国在10多年的参与过程中坚持东盟主导,遵循“不干涉他国内政、协商一致和灵活非正式”的东盟原则,重点加强在非传统安全领域的务实合作和防务对话,主张以建立信任措施为主要目的并探讨符合东亚特征的预防性外交。文章认为,中国应以主人翁姿态参与东亚安全合作,并以“10＋1”和“10＋3”机制为基础,广泛推进地区安全合作议程的创设,为东亚多边安全机制提供足够的物力、财力和智力支持。