流域水资源配置的机制设计初探

水资源配置机制的不完善制约着资源的使用效率,从而使得我国各地区出现了不同程度的水资源短缺.我国水短缺不仅是资源短缺,同时也是配置机制的短缺.围绕如何设计水资源的配置机制这一主线,运用机制设计理论,构建了流域水资源的配置的机制,即为（B,Π,μ）,该机制为不完全信息下的一个博弈;进一步提出了显示机制,并证明若每个用户给定的是真实需水信息,则直接机制（P,M）就为一均衡,该机制满足激励相容和个人理性,从而能有效地改善用水主体的经济效益.     

Photographing Handsworth: photography,meaning and identity in a British inner city

ABSTRACT

‘If you say “Handsworth”’, the novelist Salman Rushdie remarked in 1986, ‘what do you see? Most people would see fire, riots, looted shops … and helmeted cops … a front page story.’ In the 1980s, ‘front page’ images of violence and disorder had come to define areas of black settlement such as Handsworth. However, for both Stuart Hall and Paul Gilroy, photography has the potential of unearthing alternative histories of black people in Britain. Connell explores how this might work in practice by taking Handsworth, an inner-city area of Birmingham, as its case study. Following the Handsworth riots in 1985, a photograph of the ‘black bomber’ appeared on the front page of every national tabloid newspaper, and Handsworth became conceptualized by the media as ‘Frontline Britain’. At the same time, there are numerous examples of photographs from within Handsworth that attempt to present a different view of the community: images taken at high-street portraiture studios, community photography projects and the documentary work of the professional photographers Vanley Burke and Pogus Caesar. What such images offer the historian, it will be shown, is not clear cut. Photographs from within Handsworth are suggestive of possible themes in any alternative history of race in Britain, particularly in their emphasis on everyday life. However, Connell shows that it is also necessary to understand what is often the unacknowledged politics behind these images, something that makes them—in differing ways—as problematic as the stereotypical narratives presented on the front pages of tabloid newspapers.     

Experimentalism in the EU: Common ground and persistent differences

Our central claim in this rejoinder is that experimentalist forms of organization in making regulatory rules, organizing social services, and articulating constitutional norms arise and diffuse as the problem that the actors and the state face shifts from ignorance to uncertainty. We argue that this has consequences for forms of accountability and for the conception and organization of democracy and constitutionalism. The EU, founded by diverse states in a period of continuing uncertainty, intensified by growing interdependence, proves to be a natural laboratory for observing urgent efforts to adjust to this new situation, and the symposium focuses on developments there. The symposium has brought us to see that there is more common ground in these debates than prior exchanges may have suggested. We therefore emphasize convergence on large points, while underscoring and, we hope, clarifying persistent differences, with the aim of encouraging the joint exploration of them already underway, in part explicitly, in part implicitly.     

荧光STR直接复合扩增试剂缓冲体系的研制

目的研制适用于数据库样本荧光STR直接复合扩增体系。方法针对常规血卡、FTA和903血卡样本,配制扩增缓冲液基准母液,采用不同配方的扩增缓冲体系进行直接扩增及检测。考察不同种类增强剂、4种商业化DNA聚合酶、不同复性温度和终延伸时间对检材的检测效果,并验证优化体系的适应性。结果采用本文所建体系对各类血卡样本进行检验,均可获得样本清晰、完整的STR分型。体系选择BSA\Tween20\DMSO\甘油等增强剂组合、Typer热启动聚合酶1.5U/10μL、57～59℃复性温度、30～50min终延伸时间,采用10μL体系即可对直径1.2mm FTA卡血样进行有效分型。结论本文所研制的缓冲体系能够满足常规血卡、FTA和903血卡样本直接扩增检验的需要。     

上市公司定期报告信息披露违法董事责任认定研究

中国证监会对上市公司信息披露违法案件中董事责任的追究,是遏制信息披露违法、促使上市公司规范运作的重要手段。中国证监会对上市公司定期报告披露违法的行政处罚案例的分析和整理表明:中国证监会在对董事行政责任中责任主体的认定、归责原则的确立、具体行为标准的产生和应用等方面,补充和完善了现有法律规定的不足,丰富了我国信息披露制度和上市公司治理规则。     

Reinforcing or Breaking Party Systems? Internet Communication Technologies and Party Competition in Comparative Context

Many scholars speculate about the political implications of Internet proliferation. The Internet might, for example, open new channels of communication, which should benefit ideologically extreme and electorally small parties. On the other hand, the Internet might push party systems toward normalization, ultimately reinforcing the extant dominance of incumbent parties. We draw on data from 205 small and extreme parties in 35 countries and focus on both party- and system-level outcomes to investigate some of the most pressing research questions from this debate. We find that where party systems were previously concentrated or restrictive, Internet proliferation has no effect on votes for small and extreme parties. By contrast, in more permissive settings, Internet proliferation has had the small—but measurable—effect of driving up votes for these parties. At the level of the party system as a whole, however, we find little evidence that Internet proliferation increases either polarization or fragmentation.     

Is the Animal Liberation Front morally justified in engaging in violent and illegal activism towards animal farms?

The Animal Liberation Front (ALF) is an activist group, mainly focused on violent and illegal direct action, including destruction of property, the rescuing of animals and the clandestine filming of animal cruelty on animal farms. Here, I engage with three arguments that are often raised against the ALF’s actions, namely these actions are not morally justified because: (a) they are not measures of last resort; (b) they are excessively violent and do not discriminate targets; and (c) they have no reasonable probability of success. I contend that clandestinely filming animal cruelty is morally justified, the destruction of property is not and that rescuing animals is morally justified, if the ALF incorporates some changes as to how this is done.     

德国刑事司法实践中证人拒绝作证的新发展——从两个案例出发

中国学界近年一直激烈讨论外国法中的非法证据排除制度,其中包括德国刑事诉讼法中的证据禁止制度。对于德国刑事诉讼法第55条规定的不得自证其罪原则和第52条至第54条规定的拒绝作证权的讨论尤为激烈,纷纷主张在中国建立相应的刑事诉讼制度规范,以保障犯罪嫌疑人、被告人和证人的权益。德国法判例表明,违背不得自证其罪原则将导致德国法上的证据使用禁止。另外,德国法庭审判强调直接审理原则,其中调查程序中的笔录不可以作为证据在法庭审判中宣读,甚至对于传闻证据——调查程序中进行审讯的警察和检察官——也不可以作为证人出庭作证。     

The Janus‐Face of Negociation Democracy. The Effects of Consensus Democracy,Direct Democracy and Decentralization on State Intervention in Swiss Cantons

Dieser Beitrag analysiert die Varianzen der quantifizierbaren Staatstätigkeit in den 26 Schweizer Kantonen der 1980er und 1990er Jahre. Im Mittelpunkt der erklärenden Grssen stehen dabei Formen der Verhandlungsdemokratie, insbesondere der Konkordanz, dezentraler Entscheidungsstrukturen und direktdemokratischer Beteiligungsrechte. Wir zeigen, dass die Erweiterung des Konzeptes der Verhandlungsdemokratie auf weitere Staatsorgane neben der Regierung zur analytischen Unschärfe fhrt, da die verschiedenen Ausprägungen der politischen Machtteilung mit unterschiedlichen Wirkungen auf den Umfang des ffentlichen Sektors verbunden sind. Während die Konkordanz im Sinne der parteifrmigen Organisation politischer und sozialer Konflikte tendenziell die staatliche Intervention begnstigt, zgeln konstitutionelle Vetospieler die Staatstätigkeit, indem direktdemokratische Mitwirkung und dezentrale Machtteilung dem Staat Fesseln auf der Einnahmen‐und Ausgabenseite anlegen.