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141.
Ronda Roberts Callister 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2006,31(3):367-375
This study investigates whether gender and the perceptions of department climate affects faculty job satisfaction and intentions
to quit (work outcomes) with surveys responses from 308 faculty members in science and engineering fields. The study finds
that both gender and department climate are related to work outcomes and that two facets of department climate (affective
and instrumental) mediate the relationship between gender and both job satisfaction and intention to quit. This finding suggests
that universities can benefit from improving department climate, which then may improve the retention of both male and female
faculty, but may have an even greater impact on improving job satisfaction and reducing intentions to quit of female faculty. 相似文献
142.
劳动法律和政策制定中的社会性别平等回顾 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
文章从社会性别视角对中国以及国际劳动法律和政策进行回顾分析,认为在法律和政策制定层面实现社会性别平等是消除劳动领域性别歧视的基础,主张在中国劳动法律和政策制定过程中,加强社会性别平等的立法理念,把性别平等原则和方法纳入立法程序,逐步完善妇女劳动权益保障法律体系。 相似文献
143.
浅析女性的价值标准——现代男女平等现象的一些反思 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
戴珏瑶 《中华女子学院山东分院学报》2003,(2):6-8
中国女性在追求与男性的平等并自以为取得了显著绩效的同时,并未真正找到在两性社会中应有的位置。女性要获得真正的平等,必须修正长期依附于男性本位的价值标准,根据自己的能力倾向在家庭和社会的天平上摆正位置。 相似文献
144.
ANN MATEAR 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1997,16(1):97-104
Abstract — This paper focuses on SERNAM, the state institution responsible for the incorporation of gender into public policy in Chile, and the actions taken by the state to benefit women employed in the modern agricultural sector. It charts the emergence of the demands for such an institution by the women's movement, and the creation of SERNAM as an integral part of the transition to democracy. In particular, the paper analyses the Programme for the Children of the Temporeras , which is a unique state-led initiative to provide childcare facilities to enable women to enter the seasonal labour market during the summer months. The paper explores the complex relations between gender, the state, capitalist agriculture and patriarchal structures, with the aim of highlighting the sometimes unexpected convergence of interests, and the points of conflict. 相似文献
145.
性别形成和差异的社会认知理论述评 总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8
性别形成的理论主要有心理分析理论、认知发展理论、性别图式理论和社会认知理论,性别形成的社会认知理论是对性别形成和差异的合理解释。社会认知理论整合了心理因素和社会文化决定因素,认为性别概念和性别角度是广泛的社会网络相互作用的结果。人类的进化提供了身体结构和生物潜能,即可能性,而不是固定的性别差异模式。人们对自身发展的贡献和带来的社会变迁通过相互关系、相互影响的能力活动构成了性别关系。 相似文献
146.
Ulrike Liebert 《Feminist Legal Studies》2002,10(3-4):241-256
What are the conditions for empowering `gender mainstreaming' as a new policy frame beyond the supranational level in member
states and regions of the European Union? This paper is premised on the following assumptions: that mainstreaming will reduce
gender disparities in Europe only if it takes root at all levels of decision-making, but that some national gender regimes
can be expected to resist mainstreaming more than others, especially because it does not command `hard' legal tools. The puzzle
to be examined is how mainstreaming can become effective across the European multilevel polity. It is argued that vis-à-visthe resistance of domestic gender regimes, the Europeanisation of equal treatment norms in national, regional and local contexts
over the past decades has generated a variety of mechanisms for the cross-border diffusion of new policy ideas that can help
to promote mainstreaming. Drawing on comparative Europeanisation research, this argument is developed in three steps. First,
the past performance of member states in the implementation of E.U. gender directives is explored, to identify patterns and
dynamics and classify leaders and laggards. Second, current mainstreaming experiences in one of the most conspicuous laggard
states – Germany – are examined closely. Finally, as a means of explaining the rather intense engagement of German federal
and regional governments with mainstreaming, two factors are highlighted: elite learning, and new governance instruments developed
by the E.U. Notwithstanding the steps taken to promote mainstreaming, the prospects for further institutionalization within
the E.U. appear contingent on the outcome of the Convention on the Future of the Union and the Intergovernmental Conference
planned for 2004, since the invigorating of the subsidiarity principle and the division of competences across the multilevel
polity are key issues of debate.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
147.
Jennifer Langhinrichsen-Rohling Karin A. Schlee Candice M. Monson Miriam Ehrensaft Richard Heyman 《Journal of family violence》1998,13(2):197-212
Husbands' and wives' perceptions of positive relationship behaviors and interactions (e.g., caring gestures, reasons for staying married, frequency of positive communication) were assessed in a sample of maritally happy (H), maritally distressed but non-aggressive (D/NA), and maritally distressed and husband-to-wife physically aggressive (D/H-to-W) couples. As expected, the relationship positivity reports of the two groups of maritally distressed couples differed from the happily married couples. In addition, D/H-to-W spouses gave different reasons for staying married than did D/NA spouses (i.e., love versus family roles and commitments). Spouses in D/H-to-W aggressive marriages were also less likely to report using intimate language with their partner than were spouses in either of the other two groups. Few gender differences were found. Results underscore the importance of considering the role of love and intimacy in husband-to-wife aggressive and distressed marriages. 相似文献
148.
本文检视了中国现行的传播法律、法规、行政规章和其它行政规范性文件,简要介绍了其中涉及女性权益的法条和规定,指出存在的问题,并就如何改进和完善保障女性权益的传播法制环境提出了对策性的建议。 相似文献
149.
男权观念下的感情悲剧--解读《中国式离婚》 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
《中国式离婚》因为展现了当今普遍存在的感情婚姻危机而热播一时,然而电视剧在呈现这些事实的同时,并没有揭示出这些事实是由戕害人性、非常隐蔽的男权观念所致。本文分析了剧中三个核心观念的男权本质,指出,只有彻底消除男权观念的陷阱,打碎落后的性别秩序,才能建立真正意义上的爱情与家庭,实现两性的充分发展。 相似文献
150.
Susi Meret 《Patterns of Prejudice》2015,49(1-2):81-102
ABSTRACTResearch on the leaderships and electorates of populist right-wing parties emphasizes that most of these parties are charismatic and male-dominated, both as regards their leaderships and their voters. However, while studies about the gender gap focus mainly on demand-side factors, such as electoral support, socio-economic characteristics and the voters’ attitudes towards issues such as immigration, those that analyse the role and position of gender issues are still rare. Similarly, or even more, overlooked is an analysis of the rhetoric, style, charisma and discourse of populist female leaders, such as those representative of two now well-established Scandinavian populist right-wing parties: the Dansk Folkeparti (DF, Danish People’s Party) and Norway’s Fremskrittspartiet (FrP, Progress Party). Both parties have long been led by women although Pia Kjærsgaard of the DF recently stepped down, leaving the party leadership to Kristian Thulesen Dahl, a man of the younger generation of party members; Siv Jensen in Norway smoothly followed the long-term and charismatic leadership of Carl I. Hagen in 2006. The main focus of the paper, however, is on Pia Kjærsgaard, discussing the role gender plays in relation to her style, rhetoric and/or discursive strategies, but also in the gendered constructions featured in the Danish mainstream media. In the article, Meret also refers to the case of Marine Le Pen and the Front national (FN) in order to consider whether the Nordic cases represent a specific framework for female leadership, highly influenced by context and opportunity. 相似文献