我国证券投资资基金法理模式之选择

世界各国的证券投资基金分为公司型和契约型 ,而契约型又有分离式和非分离式之别。无论哪种模式 ,证券投资基金在法理上均存在双层信托关系。在模式的选择上 ,各国注重本国的法律文化特别是公司制度、行政监管与之密切配合。很难单纯对公司型和契约型的优劣作出评判。我国应当允许两种类型同时并存、同步竞争。在契约型中 ,为便于一般投资者理解和有利于行政监管 ,我们应采取非分离模式。     

超越“劳动二分法”：平台用工法律调整的基本立场

平台用工是一个宽泛的概念,具有劳动法讨论意义的是组织型平台,包括基于劳动合同的模式和非基于劳动合同的模式,后者是法律关系定性争论的对象。此种非基于劳动合同的平台用工模式不同于常规劳动关系,在劳动过程中同时存在一定程度的平台控制与劳务提供者自主,不符合现有从属性标准,不成立劳动关系,在现行法中属于民事非典型合同中的混合合同。此种平台用工在当前"从属性劳动—独立性劳动"构成的"劳动二分法"框架下不能实现有效调整,给予劳务提供者的权益保障不足。问题的成因在于劳务提供者的学理定位是"类雇员",此种平台用工的本质是承揽合同社会化,属于"劳动二分法"下的制度空白地带。因此,应根据此种平台用工中劳务提供者的社会保护必要性,构建介于民法与劳动法之间的"类雇员"规范体系,推动法律对社会劳务给付的调整框架从"劳动二分法"向"劳动三分法"转型。     

Precarity,Cognitive (Non-)Resistance and the Conservative Working Class in China

ABSTRACT

Workers’ resistance is crucial to understanding how the working class respond to the growing labour precarity in post-socialist China. The labour studies literature posits that inequality and volatile capital movements increase workers’ precarity and lead to stronger labour resistance, such as strikes. However, workers’ cognition as an integral part of resistance has been rarely studied. This article examines cognitive resistance by Chinese workers from different tier cities by looking at their social trust, class identity, understanding of policies and class solidarity. Despite capital movements and precarity causing more labour unrest, it does not necessarily lead to a stronger cognitive resistance. While inequality and precarity are greater in the more developed megacities with a shifting capital favourability, workers in megacities display a more conservative cognitive resistance than those from the lower-tier cities. This study of workers’ cognitive resistance provides insight into the future of the Chinese labour movement. It argues that the working class’s current cognitive non-resistance suggests that even if a window of opportunity were to appear in the wall of state oppression, workers are not cognitively prepared to coalesce into a coherent social movement that would bring about transformative changes.     

进城务工人员在二元劳动力市场中的地位与工会的维权思路

在我国社会双重转型时期,劳动力资源配置方面呈现两大特征:一是农村人口城镇化速度加快;二是在城镇形成二元劳动力市场。大量进城务工人员滞留在下层的“次属劳动力市场”,成为“新型工资劳动者”,其合法权益不断受到严重侵犯。其后果是,在全社会劳动力职业结构趋于高级化的同时,城镇底层劳动力群体扩张并构成“沉淀”的劳动力供给群。为促进建立和谐、稳定的劳动关系,工会要站在促进城乡整体协调发展、维护职工长远利益的高度积极推动政府加快配套改革,稳步有序地消除进城务工人员融入城镇、公平就业竞争的制度性制约因素。     

Correlates of the Co-Occurrence of Wife Abuse and Child Abuse Among a Representative Sample

The co-occurrence of domestic violence and child abuse is well documented (Appel, A. E., & Holden, G. W. (1998). J. Fam. Psychol. 12: 578–599; Edleson, J. L. (1999). Violence Against Women 5: 134–154). However, little is known about the correlates of co-occurring wife and child abuse. Analyzing data from the 1985 National Family Violence Survey (subsample N = 2733), this study identified risk factors associated with the co-occurrence of wife and child abuse. One-way ANOVA and chi-square analyses were conducted to compare characteristics of parents, children, and households among subgroups of families reporting some form of abuse. Key differences emerged between the three types of homes compared (i.e., those with child abuse alone, wife abuse alone, or wife and child abuse), indicating possibly distinct etiologies and processes. In particular, the co-occurrence of wife and child abuse was marked by less education, worse health, increased reports of depression, and increased husband drug use. Findings may be useful to practitioners and researchers interested in risk factors for different forms of family violence.The total does not equal 100% because certain states report more than one form of maltreatment per child.     

行帮对早期工人运动的影响

行帮是中国历史上曾普遍存在的一种社会团体组织。在早期工人运动中行帮是工人运动的主要组织者,是早期工人组织的主要参照模式;同时,由于行帮狭隘的利益,又影响了工人阶级的内部团结,为早期工人运动带来了诸多负面影响。行帮抵御了近代中国资本主义发展的冲击,表现出较强生命力。行帮既是中国社会进入危机阶段的伴生物,也是中国独特的近代工业发展进程和近代工人阶级队伍形成样式的社会后果,旧式行帮的延续也同时反映了中国特有的"同乡文化"的影响。     

不断增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础的政治意蕴

"三个代表"要求加强和改进党的建设,必须强调党的阶级性和群众性,因为党的阶级性是党的先进性的根本依托,群众性是党的先进性的重要支点,阶级性和群众性的有机结合是"三个代表"要求的生动体现。     

“三个代表”重要思想产生的社会历史条件

“三个代表”重要思想是邓小平理论的新发展,它的产生有其客观的社会历史条件。这些社会历史条件是国际环境的新变化,我国国内经济成分、阶级阶层、思想观念的新变化,党情的新变化,对苏联共产党和中国共产党历史经验教训的科学总结。     

Race, Caste, or Class? The Bunche–Myrdal Dispute Over An American Dilemma

Few observers doubt that Gunnar Myrdal and Ralph J. Bunche had sharp methodological disagreements and differing approaches to tactics for ending the Negro problem. Myrdal has been criticized as a statist liberal and utopian moralist by recent cultural historians defending progressive nationalism (multiculturalism), while Bunche has been characterized as a vulgar Marxist, and, with Myrdal, a denigrator of black culture. Inspection of An American Dilemma in contrast with Bunche's research memoranda suggests that Myrdal represented himself as a Burkean conservative, while Bunche's analyses transmit the radical puritan libertarian tradition, but without rejecting social democratic remedies en route to working-class control of industry. Their shared emphasis on class-based remedies to end poverty and powerlessness, however, renders them similarly unassimilable in a period where the progressive left has generally embraced racial or ethnic identity, not class power, as the source of individual emancipation, mental health, and economic betterment.     

浅论营利性医疗机构人力资源管理的困境和出路

随着医疗机构分类制度的推行 ,营利性医疗机构将得到不断发展。但是营利性医疗机构的组织目标、资金来源、服务范围和手段、公众形象和以往具有福利性质的医疗机构有很大不同 ,因此营利性医疗机构的人力资源管理将面临组织成员“双重角色”的对立、管理体系“双重权威”的冲突等问题。有关人员必须坚持从实际出发 ,尊重市场经济的规律和卫生工作的特点 ,建立以责任制为中心的新的组织运行模式 ,形成适应市场经济的人力资源管理系统 ,在冲突和矛盾中寻求一致和协调 ,逐步规范和发展营利性医疗机构的人力资源管理 ,使其更好地服务于社会主义现代化建设