中国毒品犯罪死刑的概况及其控制

解放初期我国大规模的禁毒运动成效显著,长期是“无毒国”,无需对毒品犯罪规定死刑。改革开放后,鉴于毒品泛滥、社会危害加剧的新形势,1982年《全国人民代表大会常务委员会关于严惩严重破坏经济的罪犯的决定》对毒品犯罪始规定死刑。随着我国经济社会发展,并受国际社会废除死刑潮流的影响,我国对毒品犯罪适用死刑的立场演变为既保留死刑又限制其适用。从毒品犯罪市场化、准组织化的现实来看,刑罚轻重应与毒品犯罪的利益、风险相适应。还应通过医疗技术、替代药物、帮助吸毒者回归正当的社会生活、加强国际合作等举措,更好地发挥社会措施对刑罚的替代作用,尽可能切断毒品犯罪的经济根源,从而限制和减少毒品犯罪死刑的适用。     

“谣言事件”与舆情管控——论谣言事件过程中政府媒体的舆情引导策略

"谣言事件"的发生发展与政府和媒体有着密切的关系:前瞻性宣传的消极化倾向为谣言的滋生提供了条件;谣言事件发生过程中相关部门举措失当会加剧危机态势扩大;谣言平复后缺乏有组织的、系统化的反思和教育。对"谣言事件",需要政府和媒体高效互动:建立危机宣传预警机制,做好"防谣"、"辟谣"预案;将媒体联动和政府举措相结合,畅通信息沟通渠道;积极及时组织舆论开展系统讨论和反思,培育民众的理性素质。同时,由于自媒体在信息传播方面有着实时性、简化强化性和灵活性等特点,政府和媒体还要积极发挥互联网特别是"自媒体"在舆论引导中的作用:要完善自媒体信息传播的法律法规;积极开设并良好维护官方自媒体平台,构建新型信息传播渠道;重视网络"意见领袖"的作用。     

Unpacking collective efficacy: the relationship between social cohesion and informal social control

The investigation of social mechanisms within social disorganization theory has led to the concept of collective efficacy. Collective efficacy has typically been measured as a composite of social cohesion and informal control; however, more work remains to be done with respect to the measurement of informal control and the modeling of the relationship between cohesion and control. The present study addresses this issue by using multiple operationalizations of informal social control. Results suggest that respondents rely upon their ability to call the police as a method, by which they exercise informal control over their area of residence. Moreover, the cohesion and control scales are distinct from one another, which adds to the literature showing that they are better treated as separate scales. In regression models, cohesion emerges as largely unrelated to individuals’ propensity to intervene in neighborhood problems, but enhances their perceptions of their neighbors’ likelihood of intervention. Future research should continue investigating different types of informal control and each one’s relationship with cohesion. Policy recommendations include the need for police to be prepared to respond to a variety of neighborhood problems, many of which are not directly crime related but, nonetheless, have important implications for informal crime-control efforts.     

海岛主权争端适用有效控制规则的国内法逻辑

晚近国际法院的实践催生了海岛主权争端中适用有效控制规则的日渐成熟和完善,然而,海岛主权争端的复杂性,导致了适用有效控制规则中所考量的各种因素或者证据的权重和分量的不同。在理解国际法的财产权逻辑日渐成熟和被接受的情境下,理解海岛主权争端适用有效控制规则的国内法逻辑,即从国际法体系中的"国内法"因素、国际法体系中作为"事实"的国内法以及国际法院的司法中证据规则三个角度来诠释适用有效控制规则的国内法逻辑进路,将为理性理解有效控制规则提供另一种绵长的动力。主要海洋国家的海岛立法表达模式表明,有效控制规制的适用不仅受到不同海岛立法的表达模式的影响和制约,而且理解适用有效控制规则的国内法逻辑的务实措施是强化国内立法,且必须明确国内法表达的类型、特点与机制。中国同周边国家的海岛主权争端为深入和系统地审视有效控制规则提供了实践经验和依据,更为海岛主权争端适用有效控制规则提供了理论修订机会。就中国而言,在理解海岛主权争端适用有效控制规则的国内法表达上,一方面要展开海岛立法的顶层设计,另一方面要有选择地强化特定海岛的专门立法。     

Do politicians anticipate voter control? A comparative study of representatives’ accountability beliefs

Representation literature is rife with the assumption that politicians are responsive to voter preferences because their re-election is contingent upon the approval of those voters, approval that can be won by furthering their desires or, similarly, that can be threatened by ignoring their wishes. Hence, scholars argue that the anticipation of electoral accountability by politicians constitutes a crucial guarantor of (policy) responsiveness; as long as politicians believe that voters are aware of what they do and will take it into account on election day, they are expected to work hard at keeping these voters satisfied. If, on the other hand, politicians were to think what they say and do is inconsequential for citizens’ voting behaviour, they may see leeway to ignore their preferences. In this study, we therefore examine whether politicians anticipate electoral accountability in the first place. In particular, we ask 782 Members of Parliament in Belgium, Germany, Canada and Switzerland in a face-to-face survey about the anticipation of voter control; whether they believe that voters are aware of their behaviour in parliament and their personal policy positions, are able to evaluate the outcomes of their political work, and, finally, whether this knowledge affects their vote choice. We find that a sizable number of MPs believe that voters are aware of what they do and say and take that into account at the ballot box. Still, this general image of rather strong anticipation of voter control hides considerable variation; politicians in party-centred systems (in Belgium and some politicians in Germany that are elected on closed party lists), anticipate less voter control compared to politicians in more candidate-centred systems (Canada and Switzerland). Within these countries, we find that populist politicians are more convinced that voters know about their political actions and take this knowledge into account in elections; it seems that politicians who take pride in being close to voters (and their preferences), also feel more monitored by these voters. Finally, we show that politicians’ views of voter control do not reflect the likelihood that they might be held to account; politicians whose behaviour is more visible and whose policy profile should therefore be better known to voters do not feel the weight of voter control more strongly.     

过饱和下干线红波控制研究

过饱和状态下,干线车辆排队现象严重,道路空间资源紧张,必要时应对干线沿线交叉口进行红波控制,避免交叉口死锁和拥堵扩散。首先分析了过饱和以及过饱和下的交通特性,然后运用交通波理论分析了交叉口的车辆排队现象,在此基础上研究了过饱和下干线红波控制方法与主要参数确定。     

英美警察执法模式对我国公安执法规范化建设的启示

公安机关执法规范化是公安执法者必须遵循的行为准则,是依法行政,依法治警在公安工作中的具体体现,也是现代警务机制和公安队伍正规化建设的重要组成部分。当今世界上各个民主国家都十分重视警察队伍的管理,注重要求警察执法的规范化。通过分析和研究英美警察执法模式情况,以期对我国公安执法规范化建设有所启示。     

Did they ‘Read Before Burning’? The Coalition and Quangos

Attitudes to quangos are paradoxical. On the one hand they are perceived to be undemocratic, unaccountable organisations, while on the other they are seen to improve effectiveness, limit political interference and increase public confidence in government. This paradox is reflected in the behaviour of political parties, which generally adopt a harsh line towards quangos in opposition, but come to rely on these bodies in office. Ahead of the 2010 general election it was, however, noticeable that the Conservative party rejected this dynamic by promising to pursue ‘a more sophisticated approach’. This article explores the Coalition government's subsequent ‘public bodies reform programme’, assessing its progress against recommendations contained within the Institute for Government's Read before Burning report of July 2010. It concludes that while the Coalition has addressed long‐standing concerns about the day‐to‐day governance of public bodies, it has failed to resolve a set of broader and strategic (metagovernance) issues.     

当前我国吸毒问题的特点、原因及对策

毒品违法犯罪最终都是围绕着毒品消费(吸毒)而展开的,吸毒既是毒品违法犯罪的一种,又是包括毒品违法犯罪在内的其他违法犯罪发展蔓延的重要推手。当前我国的吸毒人员以无业的男性青少年为主,吸食毒品类型以传统毒品为主,但吸食新型毒品现象发展蔓延迅速;诱发吸毒原因十分复杂,有习惯因素,也有误信其助兴、减肥、提神、治病等功效的因素;预防和控制吸毒是当前维护社会治安稳定的一项重要工作,需要加大宣传和打击管控力度及强化社区帮教、加大禁毒科技投入等多策并举综合治理。