全文获取类型
收费全文 | 3923篇 |
免费 | 141篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 187篇 |
工人农民 | 116篇 |
世界政治 | 115篇 |
外交国际关系 | 400篇 |
法律 | 796篇 |
中国共产党 | 287篇 |
中国政治 | 640篇 |
政治理论 | 454篇 |
综合类 | 1069篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 14篇 |
2022年 | 22篇 |
2021年 | 36篇 |
2020年 | 91篇 |
2019年 | 64篇 |
2018年 | 69篇 |
2017年 | 86篇 |
2016年 | 80篇 |
2015年 | 65篇 |
2014年 | 186篇 |
2013年 | 343篇 |
2012年 | 279篇 |
2011年 | 261篇 |
2010年 | 232篇 |
2009年 | 215篇 |
2008年 | 262篇 |
2007年 | 251篇 |
2006年 | 240篇 |
2005年 | 274篇 |
2004年 | 267篇 |
2003年 | 224篇 |
2002年 | 205篇 |
2001年 | 166篇 |
2000年 | 78篇 |
1999年 | 19篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有4064条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
971.
陆南泉 《中国延安干部学院学报》2011,(2):22-29
我国对苏联经济体制的研究一直较为重视。当前,我国的改革又进入了一个崭新的新阶段,要解决的问题甚多。在此背景下回顾苏联经济体制改革的历史进程,总结其经验教训,提出一些值得思考的问题,具有十分重要的意义。本文论述的问题有:对苏联剧变根本原因的看法;苏联经济体制形成的原因;历次改革失败产生的严重后果;改革的历史进程;对中国的启示。 相似文献
972.
黄范章 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2011,4(1):107-111
转变经济发展方式的一个重要任务就是坚持扩大内需的战略,核心问题是提高居民的消费能力,这就要求推进和深化收入分配制度改革,推进"财产性收入"大众化。就是拥有财产性收入不再只是少数有钱人能享用的专利,而是广大劳动者都可以参与分享。主要方式有:推行"职工持股计划",让广大小额股份持有者有股权的红利收益和股份升值收益;鼓励企业发行小额股票;让社保基金积极稳妥地进入资本市场,让全国城乡居民都能共享社保基金提供的"财产性收入"。同时,应积极探索用"土地使用权入股"获取"财产性收入"的补偿办法,在城市化、工业化进程中,让农民、农民工、拆迁户也能享有一份"财产性收入"。 相似文献
973.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(4):33-49
Migration theories that build on economic incentives and social network effects will generally predict much more international migration than we observe. We have to 'bring the state back in' to explain why so few potential migrations lead to actual flows, and why these flows are highly selective. Immigration policies have been strongly shaped by particular nation-building projects but the increasing diversity of origins in contemporary migrations has also challenged and transformed perceptions of national identity at the receiving end. Bauböck discusses the need for studying integration regimes from a comparative and normative perspective. He examines characteristic features of four regimes - the United States, Canada, Israel and the European Union - and defends a conception of integration that embraces the ambiguities of the term: it should be understood as referring to the inclusion of newcomers as well as to the internal cohesion of the societies and political communities that are transformed by immigration. These two meanings are combined in a third one of integration as federation: the process of forming larger political unions from distinct societies. Particularly in the context of the European Union integration policies for immigrants should live up to the same democratic principles that are invoked for the political integration of the EU. This suggests a European agenda for harmonizing the legal status of third country residents and their access to citizenship. Bringing the state back in makes us also aware that the transnational communities of migrants are no substitute for access, status and rights within territorially bounded polities. Instead of portraying migrants as harbingers of the end of the nation-state, we should rather think how to transform nation-states so that increasingly mobile populations can still share in political authority, a bounded territory and a common historical horizon. This perspective of integration is 'transnational' rather than 'postnational'. A transnational perspective does not envisage the dissolution of nation-states, but emphasizes instead that societies and cultures increasingly overlap both in space and time. 相似文献
974.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):60-74
Greater economic hardship is widely conceived as conducive to higher levels of majority hostility towards minority groups. Research in the classical social-psychological tradition as well as data on political trends support such a view. However, more recent survey and experimental findings cast doubt on the economic deprivation model of out-group hostility. O'Connell examines responses to sections of the European Social Survey that suggest that economic deprivation is still linked to out-group hostility, and argues that this position is contradicted by recent trends in anti-immigrant politics: electoral support for far-right parties has been more prevalent in wealthier and more materially secure societies than in poorer ones. He offers an explanation for this apparent paradox, suggesting that increased economic security has both direct and indirect effects on a society, and that these effects run counter to each other. As economic scarcity decreases, concerns over economic rivalry decline but new concerns related to integration emerge, particularly as the society becomes more attractive to migrants. 相似文献
975.
当今中国社会分化与整合问题初探 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
宁德安 《贵阳市委党校学报》2012,(3):46-49
分化与整合是社会存在的两种基本运动样态。人类的本性分为生物性、社会性和精神性,对应人类活动的经济、政治和文化三个领域,效率、公平和自由是相应三个领域的基本价值准则。当今中国社会的分化主要表现在五个方面:利益分化、阶层分化、区域分化、组织分化和观念分化。当今中国社会的发展动力是科学发展观的践行,侧重于利益整合;社会发展的平衡机制是和谐社会的构建,侧重于秩序整合;社会发展的方向是核心价值体系的推进,侧重于观念整合。 相似文献
976.
董成惠 《广西警官高等专科学校学报》2012,(4):45-48
经济法作为国家干预市场经济的法律规范,对其理性的思考有利于探讨国家干预市场模式。分析经济法之"国家干预"理性主义的本质及其法律内涵,在对经济法形式理性和实质理性价值分析的基础上,探讨经济法之"国家干预"行为的形式理性和实质理性应辩证地统一于社会本位原则。 相似文献
977.
李虹 《山西青年管理干部学院学报》2012,25(3):89-91
生态社会主义作为一种新思潮、新学派,在20世纪下半叶迅速发展,并不断壮大。生态社会主义认为资本主义的生产方式是导致全球环境污染、资源日益匮乏以及生态危机的主要原因。生态社会主义者在促进经济发展方面提出的许多新颖的观点,对我国深入发展社会主义市场经济有重要的启示作用。 相似文献
978.
外资并购是把双刃剑:一方面外商并购缓解了我国经济建设中遇到的资金短缺、技术和管理水平相对落后等问题,加速了中国与国际化接轨的过程;但另一方面跨国公司在中国的独资化倾向和对行业龙头“斩首行动”也引起了专家和学者对于国家经济安全的担忧.我们需要外资促进国民经济的发展,但同时我们也需要全面评估外资并购对于中国国家经济安全的影响,构建和完善维护我国经济安全的法律体系. 相似文献
979.
《当代亚洲杂志》2012,42(3):447-463
Abstract This article analyses emerging approaches by donors to risk management, focusing on the case of the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID). It suggests that AusAID's understanding and management of risk are expressions of particular political and social interests and, subsequently, that its approach to risk management is inherently political in nature. While AusAID's policies and guidelines on risk management identify a wide range of risks as being relevant to the agency's work – including risks to poverty reduction and sustainable development – in practice it has focused on managing risks to the building of neo-liberal markets, both within Australia and in developing countries, and the Australian government's foreign policy objectives. To illustrate these points, we present an analysis of AusAID's approach to risk management in a major economic governance project, the Philippines-Australia Partnership for Economic Governance Reforms. We conclude by indicating ways in which donor approaches to risk management can be revised to give greater attention to the needs of the poor and civil society, while acknowledging that such revisions may be contingent upon prior changes in the structure of power and interest and/or institutional characteristics of aid policy-making processes in donor countries. 相似文献
980.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(6):835-866
Drawing on official data and original interview data on 315 transgender inmates in California prisons for men, this research provides the first empirical portrayal of a prison population in California that is unique by virtue of being both transgender and incarcerated. Situated at the nexus of intersecting marginalities, transgender inmates fare far worse on standard demographic and health measures than their non‐transgender counterparts in the US population, the California population, the US prison population, and the California prison population. With the possible exceptions of partnership status and educational attainment, these factors combine to reveal that transgender inmates are marginalized in heretofore undocumented ways. At a time in which an evidence‐based approach to corrections is increasingly embraced by corrections officials in the US, this article provides the first systematic profile of transgender prisoners. It reveals they can be regarded as a special population that, from a policy point of view, raises what Minow calls “the dilemma of difference”. 相似文献