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911.
王虎学 《中国延安干部学院学报》2012,(4):42-47
"历史向世界历史的转变"是我们身边的经验和事实。"历史向世界历史转变"使马克思得以在更加宽广的视域中审视分工进而开启其世界历史话语,而且,"历史向世界历史转变"的内在逻辑及其当代意义也因分工的介入而向我们敞开了。"实行最广泛分工"的大工业首先开创了世界历史,并确立了世界历史的资本主导逻辑。分裂是分工向全球扩展的"现代性"后果,合作是分工发展的"全球化"效应,人的解放是一项世界历史性的事业。 相似文献
912.
《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(4):437-458
This article deals with the political thought of Mi?elis Valters (1874–1968), whose early writings are considered to contain the first clearly articulated argument for independent and democratic Latvia. Until now, Valters's writings haven′t been analyzed in their own historical and intellectual context, being subjected to Marxist and nationalist ‘proleptic mythologies’ instead. However, such an analysis provides us with important insights about the intellectual origins of Latvian political nationalism. Valters's early argument for independent Latvia derives much from the legacy of Russian narodnichestvo and from German liberal legal theory, rather than from Austro-Marxism, as suggested by previous commentators. 相似文献
913.
《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(2):163-181
ABSTRACTSatiric publications are often recognized as an important part of the political communication of the nineteenth century. Their role, however, in the national ‘awakenings’ in central eastern Europe has been rarely addressed. This paper argues that satirical publications provide useful material for the research of the political ideology of early Latvian nationalism. The development of the ‘ethnic Other’ in the figure of the Bizmanis or ‘Plaitman,’ the invention of the ‘dumb minority,’ the Malenians, as well as the representation of imperial and provincial forces in animal fables illustrate the development of the political thinking of the emerging national movement. 相似文献
914.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):17-34
Hödl attempts to show how deeply the medical views of Blacks and Jews were embedded in racial theories in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Concepts of racial distinctiveness formed the framework that purportedly explained a specific liability of African Americans and Jews to various ailments. In particular, he compares the prevailing perception of the susceptibility of Jews and Blacks to tuberculosis in the United States from the 1840s to the early twentieth century, and shows that physicians advanced widely differing explanations for the proclivity to this disease, explanations that fall into three distinct periods. Within the same time span, however, there is continuity in the concepts of the 'sick Negro' and the 'healthy Jew'. The aetiologies were largely dependent on stereotypes of the bodily constructs of Jews and Blacks. Hödl thereby demonstrates the interdependence of racism and medicine. 相似文献
915.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):245-279
ABSTRACT Stoetzler explores a series of newspaper and journal articles published in Germany in 1879–81 that are part of what later came to be called the ‘Berlin Antisemitism Dispute’. In these articles, anti-Jewish remarks by the historian and right-wing liberal politician Heinrich von Treitschke were responded to by leading political and academic figures, including Theodor Mommsen, Moritz Lazarus and Ludwig Bamberger. Treitschke's texts have been seen as crucial to the development of modern antisemitism in Germany, but the debate that they provoked also points to some of the conceptual weaknesses of the liberal critique of antisemitism. Stoetzler suggests that both Treitschke's support for antisemitism and the ambivalence evident in the views of his opponents are rooted in the contradiction between inclusionary and exclusionary tendencies inherent in the nation-state. To the extent that liberal society constitutes itself in the form of a national state, it cannot but strive to guarantee, or produce, some degree of homogeneity or conformity in the form of a national culture that, in turn, cannot be separated from issues of morality and religion. Stoetzler argues that a discussion of the Berlin Antisemitism Dispute in its specific context of German nineteenth-century liberalism, if interpreted in the more general framework of modern liberal society, can contribute to current debates on nationalism, patriotism, ethnic minorities, immigration and ‘multicultural society’. 相似文献
916.
胡占君 《中国青年政治学院学报》2003,22(2):135-139
李大钊历史教育思想是中国民主革命和教育革新的产物。他以唯物史观为指导,从理论上阐述了历史教育的内容、实质、指导思想、目的和方法等。其历史教育思想为马克思主义历史教育理论和实践奠定了基础,开辟了道路,对研究中国共产党的历史教育理论和进行新世纪历史教育改革具有重要的价值和意义。 相似文献
917.
OLIVER TURNER 《The Political quarterly》2009,80(1):111-118
China has been a major power for far longer than is typically acknowledged in the West. This paper seeks to redress established discourse of China as a 'rising' power which now enjoys common usage within Western policy-making, academic and popular circles, particularly within the United States; China can more accurately be conceived of as a 'recovering power'. A tendency by successive Washington administrations to view the world in realist terms has forced the label of 'rising' power onto China along with the negative connotations that inevitably follow. We should acknowledge the folly in utilising a theoretical approach largely devoid of any appreciation for the social and human dimensions of international relations as well as the importance of social discourse in the field. Finally, policy-makers in Washington must reconsider their realist stance and, with a fuller appreciation of world history, recognise that American hegemony was always destined to be short-lived. 相似文献
918.
王瑞芹 《中华女子学院山东分院学报》2005,4(2):18-22
妇女参政在政治文明史中经历了专制社会和民主社会两个阶段.在专制社会下,妇女参政处于屈从、非法性地位;在民主社会下,妇女参政的权利逐渐取得合法性,但是目前的妇女参政仍然处在政治文明的边缘.对政治文明史中妇女参政地位进行分析、批判和展望,这对进一步提高和推进当代妇女参政具有重要的理论意义和现实意义. 相似文献
919.
张秋实 《中共山西省委党校学报》2005,28(4):16-18
执政资源是我们党执政所必需的能量及其来源。政治能量是党执政的政治资源,经济能量是党执政的经济资源,意识形态能量是党执政的意识形态资源。党史研究与教育就“资政”功能而言,它是一项重要的政治资源;就其“育人”的功能而言,它又是一项重要的意识形态资源;就其“红色旅游”价值而言,它还可以转化成为一种执政的经济资源。 相似文献
920.
雷永生 《中国青年政治学院学报》2006,25(1):40-45
人道主义是屠格涅夫创作的出发点,只有从此出发,才能发掘屠格涅夫作品的普遍意义,才能避免只从政治和意识形态的角度评价他的作品,过分地责备他的立场的“保守,”甚至怀疑他的真诚。 相似文献