Bringing Political Science to Bear on Tropical Conservation

With the renewed international emphasis on governance for sustainable development, political scientists wishing to have an impact on global environmental problems will find significant opportunities to collaborate with practitioners. These collaborations can be very rewarding, but academics should enter them with their eyes open to the associated challenges. Bridging the worlds of research and practice entails tensions between what is true according to the research, and what is possible given the constraints of specific organizations; between the problems that practitioners need solved and the puzzles that researchers find appealing; and, importantly, between the divergent cultures that shape the expectations and incentives of academics and their counterparts.     

Developing Countries and Global Environmental Governance: From Contestation to Participation to Engagement

Developing countries did not start off as demandeurs of global environmental governance. Although they are still rather skeptical about the global environmental enterprise, they have come a long way from being the vigorous contestants that they were three decades ago. This fascinating evolution has not only changed the views of developing countries but has also transformed the shape of the global environmental discourse, most significantly by turning what used to be global environmental politics into what is now the global politics of sustainable development. This paper charts this evolution by using the twin conceptual lenses of effectiveness and legitimacy and the heuristic markers of the three key global conferences on the global environment (Stockholm 1972; Rio de Janeiro 1992; Johannesburg 2002). The paper argues that the pre-Stockholm era was exemplified by a politics of contestation by the South; the Stockholm-to-Rio period was a period of reluctant participation as a new global compact emerged around the notion of sustainable development; and the post-Rio years have seen the emergence of more meaningful, but still hesitant, engagement by the developing countries in the global environmental project but very much around the promise and potential of actualizing sustainable development. The author is grateful to an anonymous review, and to Steinar Andresen, Ellen Hey, and Jessica Green for valuable comments.     

浅析高等职业教育的特色

高职院校只有形成自己的办学特色,才能在竞争中获得可持续发展的生命力。高职教育应具有以下特色:目标特色是培养实用型人才,专业特色是职业的定向性,课程特色是实践性,师资特色是"双师型",模式特色是多样性。同时要有独特的校园文化,使高职院校在激烈竞争中具有品牌优势。     

论邓小平教育发展战略思想

邓小平教育发展战略思想是邓小平理论的有机组成部分,是马列主义教育学说和毛泽东教育思想在现代的运用和发展。主要体现在中国教育发展的战略方向,新时期思想政治教育的重要性,尊重知识、尊重人才,各级政府和领导要以战略眼光抓教育等方面。     

论社区治理中的多元权力互动

治理的权力向度是多元的而不是单一的,它强调协调而不是控制,强调权利主体责任的模糊性和相互依赖而不是彼此孤立和封闭。治理理论在社区管理中具有实证的经验依据和现实必要性。党组织、政府组织、自治组织、非营利组织都是社区治理的主体。多元主体的持续互动,是增进公共利益、促进社区良治的基础。而党组织和政府组织则是社区良治的领导和主导力量。     

和谐社会建设与社会治理模式创新

和谐社会建设要求社会治理模式的根本转变,实现以人力资本为中心的、公正、全面、均衡的网络治理模式。我国要推进社会治理模式创新,建立适应和谐社会需要的全新社会治理模式。     

From Subjects to Citizens: On Educational Reforms and the Demarcation of the “Israeli-Arabs”

Based on a critical analysis of the Arab educational policy, from Israel's independence in the 1970s, this article examines the pivotal role of the state in engendering the trends of Palestinianization and Israelization that arguably characterize the attitude of the Arab minority to the Israeli state. Exploring the educational reforms of the 1960s and 1970s, it shows the contingent relation between ethnicity and the state, and also, the interrelationship between the intra-Jewish and Jewish-Arab divides. Looking at the ethnicization of social relations not as a preordained upshot of primordial realities, the history of the reforms unravels the changing patterns of inclusion and exclusion that result in demarcating the Arab minority as both Israeli and Palestinian, and in constructing the oxymoronic category of “Israeli-Arabs”. Seen from the perspective of the goals for Arab and Jewish education, this category manifests the internalization of the “Arab Question” and the shift in educational policy from preclusion to incorporation, but also the limits of inclusion. These goals thus epitomize the ways in which the new discourse of meritocracy (resulting from the liberalizing of the economy and society) had determined civic equality between Arab and Jewish citizens, but equally important, the seclusion of the Arab minority from both the Jewish (ethnic) society and the Palestinian (national) collective. In this sense, I argue, neither Israelization nor Palestinianization were a matter of choice. Rather, both constitute the inevitable dual path for social and political inclusion, limited as it is.     

Digital diasporas and governance in semi‐authoritarian states: the case of the Egyptian Copts

This article explores the potential role of diasporas and information technology (IT) in fostering good governance in semi‐authoritarian states. Following a review of the literature on good governance and information technology, the case of the Egyptian Copt community and its diaspora is explored, focusing on the activities of the U.S. Copt Association. It is argued that, whether or not it is an explicit objective, the U.S. Copt Association is supporting improved and more democratic governance in Egypt. The case confirms that heterogeneous networks of communication and people can promote good governance, even for the socially excluded and disempowered in a weakly penetrated state. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

康、雍时期清朝对西藏的治理

本文结合中外文献,探讨了康、雍时期清朝对西藏的治理。认为清朝在西藏从间接统治到全面、直接而有效的统治,并非一蹴而就,而是在不断解决蒙古问题以及西藏内部出现的政治危机过程中逐步完成的。     

从治理组织选择理论的角度解读自愿连锁

作为连锁经营的三大组织形态之一的自愿连锁在我国的发展步伐正在加快,中小零售企业将自愿连锁作为应对实力强大的外资零售巨头和突飞猛进的本土大型连锁企业的主要途径。威廉姆森的组织形态选择理论对自愿连锁进行了深入分析,可为我国中小连锁企业发展自愿连锁提供思路与策略选择。