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791.
公共服务理念是当代政府管理的内在价值取向,这已在政府管理实践中达成共识,在这一理念的支撑下,政府管理模式和行为逻辑都在渐进转变。本文以行政审批制度为切入点,以发达地区上海作为分析对象,针对其行政审批制度改革的发展历程和现状,归纳其特点和规律,探寻其公共服务价值的实践意义,并对改革过程中产生的问题进行深入思考。 相似文献
792.
李政飞 《贵阳市委党校学报》2010,(6):51-55
本报告主要以清镇市2006-2009年基层干部教育培训情况为支撑,从基层干部教育培训与县级党校的关系视角,对《中国共产党党校工作条例》和《2010-2020干部教育培训改革纲要》的有关规定可能对基层干部教育培训产生的方向性影响进行了粗浅的思考,提出一些加强和改进基层干部教育培训工作不成熟的建议。 相似文献
793.
本文从委托代理制的天然风险出发 ,将公司治理结构置于市场中来认识 ,提出由完善市场来解决公司治理结构面临的委托代理风险问题。并用此观点分析了对我国国有企业治理结构进行规范的必要性以及进一步地改革意见。 相似文献
794.
新公共管理强调政治中个人自由的重要性。发展中国家尤其是转型期国家的政府改革必须在实现公民自由和提高政府效能间达成平衡。新公共管理的理论内核———自由主义的某些方面与发展中国家尤其是转型期国家政府改革的目标的某些冲突可通过自由主义“权宜之计”来缓解。 相似文献
795.
Paul?F.?SteinbergEmail author 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2005,5(4):395-404
With the renewed international emphasis on governance for sustainable development, political scientists wishing to have an
impact on global environmental problems will find significant opportunities to collaborate with practitioners. These collaborations
can be very rewarding, but academics should enter them with their eyes open to the associated challenges. Bridging the worlds
of research and practice entails tensions between what is true according to the research, and what is possible given the constraints
of specific organizations; between the problems that practitioners need solved and the puzzles that researchers find appealing;
and, importantly, between the divergent cultures that shape the expectations and incentives of academics and their counterparts. 相似文献
796.
Developing Countries and Global Environmental Governance: From Contestation to Participation to Engagement 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Adil?NajamEmail author 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2005,5(3):303-321
Developing countries did not start off as demandeurs of global environmental governance. Although they are still rather skeptical about the global environmental enterprise, they
have come a long way from being the vigorous contestants that they were three decades ago. This fascinating evolution has
not only changed the views of developing countries but has also transformed the shape of the global environmental discourse,
most significantly by turning what used to be global environmental politics into what is now the global politics of sustainable
development. This paper charts this evolution by using the twin conceptual lenses of effectiveness and legitimacy and the
heuristic markers of the three key global conferences on the global environment (Stockholm 1972; Rio de Janeiro 1992; Johannesburg
2002). The paper argues that the pre-Stockholm era was exemplified by a politics of contestation by the South; the Stockholm-to-Rio period was a period of reluctant participation as a new global compact emerged around the notion of sustainable development; and the post-Rio years have seen the emergence
of more meaningful, but still hesitant, engagement by the developing countries in the global environmental project but very much around the promise and potential of actualizing
sustainable development.
The author is grateful to an anonymous review, and to Steinar Andresen, Ellen Hey, and Jessica Green for valuable comments. 相似文献
797.
浅析高等职业教育的特色 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
郑洁萍 《广东行政学院学报》2004,16(3):87-90
高职院校只有形成自己的办学特色,才能在竞争中获得可持续发展的生命力。高职教育应具有以下特色:目标特色是培养实用型人才,专业特色是职业的定向性,课程特色是实践性,师资特色是"双师型",模式特色是多样性。同时要有独特的校园文化,使高职院校在激烈竞争中具有品牌优势。 相似文献
798.
邓小平教育发展战略思想是邓小平理论的有机组成部分,是马列主义教育学说和毛泽东教育思想在现代的运用和发展。主要体现在中国教育发展的战略方向,新时期思想政治教育的重要性,尊重知识、尊重人才,各级政府和领导要以战略眼光抓教育等方面。 相似文献
799.
和谐社会建设与社会治理模式创新 总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9
李军鹏 《国家行政学院学报》2005,(4):24-26
和谐社会建设要求社会治理模式的根本转变,实现以人力资本为中心的、公正、全面、均衡的网络治理模式。我国要推进社会治理模式创新,建立适应和谐社会需要的全新社会治理模式。 相似文献
800.
GAL LEVY 《Citizenship Studies》2005,9(3):271-291
Based on a critical analysis of the Arab educational policy, from Israel's independence in the 1970s, this article examines the pivotal role of the state in engendering the trends of Palestinianization and Israelization that arguably characterize the attitude of the Arab minority to the Israeli state. Exploring the educational reforms of the 1960s and 1970s, it shows the contingent relation between ethnicity and the state, and also, the interrelationship between the intra-Jewish and Jewish-Arab divides. Looking at the ethnicization of social relations not as a preordained upshot of primordial realities, the history of the reforms unravels the changing patterns of inclusion and exclusion that result in demarcating the Arab minority as both Israeli and Palestinian, and in constructing the oxymoronic category of “Israeli-Arabs”. Seen from the perspective of the goals for Arab and Jewish education, this category manifests the internalization of the “Arab Question” and the shift in educational policy from preclusion to incorporation, but also the limits of inclusion. These goals thus epitomize the ways in which the new discourse of meritocracy (resulting from the liberalizing of the economy and society) had determined civic equality between Arab and Jewish citizens, but equally important, the seclusion of the Arab minority from both the Jewish (ethnic) society and the Palestinian (national) collective. In this sense, I argue, neither Israelization nor Palestinianization were a matter of choice. Rather, both constitute the inevitable dual path for social and political inclusion, limited as it is. 相似文献