Imaginaries of the Pandemic in Chile: A Conceptual-Empirical Discussion

This article aims to reconstruct the social imaginaries of Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) in Chile. We seek to understand how families interpret their experience confronting the pandemic by identifying four main aspects: (a) the COVID-19 pandemic, (b) working and learning, (c) health and (d) family life. Following Habermas' distinction between lifeworld and social systems, we consider these issues as constituting the social imaginary of lifeworld, different but related to the imaginaries of social systems. The qualitative empirical data was gathered through a sample of 38 families interviewed online between September 2020 and January 2021 in four Chilean cities: Iquique, Valparaíso, Santiago and Concepción. Other complementary sources of information are multimodal ethnography (digital diaries), press articles and state reports.     

Father Involvement in Dependency Review Hearings

Understanding the impact of fathers in child maltreatment cases has been a neglected area of research. This study evaluated differences in child welfare hearings and children's perceptions of their situation where fathers were and were not present. Father attendance at hearings appeared to positively impact information-gathering. When fathers attended hearings, they lasted longer and covered case topics more thoroughly. Children reported more negative affect immediately after hearings where fathers were present; however, these differences were attenuated at subsequent interviews. Overall, the findings suggest that father involvement positively impacts case management, though more research must be conducted to support this finding.     

The Eurozone crisis and the European corporate elite: bringing corporate actors into focus

This paper uses a framework referred to as the ‘corporate reconstruction of European capitalism theory of integration’ to analyse the European Union’s response to the Eurozone crisis. Most political economy analyses of the Eurozone crisis have focused on political leaders, clashes between creditor and debtor member states and public opinions in analysing the handling of the crisis. This paper focuses instead on the input of corporate actors. It is argued that both the setting up of the European Monetary Union (EMU) and the handling of its crisis were congenial to corporate preferences. Europe’s nascent corporate elite was concerned with eliminating currency risk when the EMU was set up and therefore did not push for fiscal federalism. When the flawed architecture of the Eurozone transformed that currency risk into sovereign credit risk, corporate preferences adapted and now favoured fiscal liability pooling and ultimately the setting up of a fiscal union.     

“MORE OF A STREET COP THAN A DETECTIVE”: AN ANALYSIS OF THE ROLES AND FUNCTIONS OF PARENTING COORDINATORS IN NORTH CAROLINA

This research project examined roles and functions of parenting coordinators (PCs) identified by AFCC's Guidelines for Parenting Coordination and other literature. The researcher used a semi‐structured interview schedule that included information about practices, procedures, and a series of five case‐based vignettes that contained commonly occurring ethical and legal dilemmas in PC practice. The results found that PCs generally saw their role as enforcers of existing orders and primarily used skills in conflict management, parent education, and information coordination with other professionals. PCs would use arbitration powers to make minor decisions or refer to court as a last resort.     

浅议法学本科精英型人才培养模式

目前,我国高等教育法学本科人才培养模式已不适合我国未来发展的需要,更难适应全球化趋势对法学专业人才的要求,因此,必须反思现行的法学人才培养模式中存在的问题,从根本上改变教学观念,实事求是地分析法学人才培养上的障碍性因素,借鉴发达国家的法学人才培养经验,立足于我国国情提出可行的改进方法。本文认为,精英型人才是我国高等法学教育的培养目标,应以此为方向改进法学本科人才的培养模式。     

For a political philosophy of parent–child relationships

Abstract

In Family Values, Harry Brighouse and Adam Swift argue that parents should, in sharing values with their children and in conferring advantage upon them, act in ways that realize the intimacy that lies at the core of the value of family life. In their view, they should prescind from autonomy-inhibiting activities not required by the need to maintain intimacy. I argue that while this standard is sufficient to distinguish between permissible and impermissible practices of advantage conferral, it does not provide us with a perspicuous standard with which to distinguish among activities of value-sharing. This is because the difference between permissible and impermissible forms of value-sharing is adverbial rather than categorical. I argue moreover that even if we were to solve this problem, we would end up with another problem, to do with the unattractive nature of the state activities that would have to be set up in order to police family life. I conclude that the problem of how to enforce the child’s right to autonomous upbringing is best thought of as a political one. Schools, rather than the home, are the appropriate site for the development of autonomy, and the state appropriately regulates schools to ensure that they achieve this end.     

How do gender quotas affect public support for women as political leaders?

Gender quotas have shown themselves to be an effective means of getting more women into political office. Less clear is the broader effect of gender quotas on egalitarian attitudes. This article uses a cross-national dataset of 48 countries worldwide to examine the role of gender quotas in the generation of individual-level attitudes to women as political leaders. Firstly, gender quotas appear to improve perceptions of women’s ability as political leaders in countries where they are present, having controlled for a range of individual-level and contextual influences. Second, this effect differs by sex. For women, the presence of gender quotas alone increases their support for women’s political leadership, something theorised as a ‘vote of confidence’ effect. Thirdly, this effect is not dependent on the type of quota implemented and holds for quotas adopted voluntarily by political parties and those that are brought about via a broader legal change.     

Anti‐elite parties and political inequality: How challenges to the political mainstream reduce income gaps in internal efficacy

There is growing interest in political inequality across income groups. This article contributes to this debate with two arguments about political involvement: poverty depresses internal political efficacy by undermining cognitive and emotional resources; and dissent in the party system reduces the efficacy gap to higher incomes. Specifically, conflict is to be expected between anti‐elite and mainstream parties to simplify political decisions and stimulate political attention among poor voters. These arguments are supported with comparative and experimental analyses. Comparative survey data shows that the income gap in efficacy varies with a novel measure of the anti‐elite salience in the party system. The causal impact of anti‐elite rhetoric is established though a representative survey experiment. Finally, the article investigates how these mechanisms affect both electoral and other forms of political participation.     

The Development of a Parent Support Group as a Means of Initiating Family Involvement in a Residential Program

SUMMARY

Working with the families of children in residential care is critical to the success of the placement. For a variety of reasons, parents of adolescents in one residential setting were not receiving adequate services during placement. A parent support and education group was designed and implemented to provide opportunities for parents to access support, learn new parenting skills and, ultimately, optimize their relationships with their children. The responses of both parents and staff to this program were favorable. The group is now a regular component of the organization's range of services, and served as a springboard to enhance family involvement in other program areas.     

Chapter 17: The Community as an Advocate for Youth:

State treatment foster care programs established by the National Youth Advocate Program are described in terms of youth served, homes established, treatment program, implementation problems, and evaluation procedures.